66 | was sufficiently serious in itself; but it became doubly so from the ill-advised and disastrous step which immediately followed. The King at first put a good face upon the matter. "My dear Marshal," said he to Marshal Oudinot, who commanded the National Guard, after the review was over, we have had some grumblers, but the mass is well disposed; say to the National Guard that I am satisfied with their appearance, and bring me the evening order to sign." But these prudent views soon gave place to more violent councils. The princesses arrived in tears at the contumelies to which they had been exposed, and the seditious cries which had met their ears; and the party of the Jesuits were indefatigable in their arrived when farther temporising was impossible, and when a vigorous measure was imperatively called for. The King was unfortunately drawn into these violent councils. In the evening a Cabinet Council was hastily summoned; the deliberations continued till a late hour in the night; and on the following morning an ordonnance appeared DISBANDING THE NATIONAL GUARD OF PARIS. fluential classes, and so important in its effects, that it may be regarded as one of the principal causes of the revolution which overturned the elder branch of the Bourbons. Deeply chagrined at the evident symptoms of the decline of the popularity of which he was so passionately desirous, and yet blind to an inconceivable extent to the cause which was producing it, Charles fixed a great review of the National Guard of Paris for the 12th April, the anniversary of his entrance into Paris two years before. The day was beautiful; the National Guard had never turned out in such strength and in such splendid appearance; and a magnificent cortège surrounded the King, who rode on horseback on a beautiful charger, which he managed with consum-representations, that the time had now mate grace, along the line. Cries of "Vive le Roi" were at first heard on all sides, and the monarch was saluted by the great majority of the legions with the utmost enthusiasm. But when he came to the tenth legion, which was composed of the citizens from the contraband eastern parts of Paris, their loyal demonstrations were mingled with cries of "A bas les Ministres!' "A bas les Jesuites!" and some of the most violent even left their ranks to give ex- 64. If anything could exceed the impression to their cries at the feet of the prudence and disastrous consequences monarch.* "I come here to receive of this step, it was the joy with which homage, and not lessons," was the dig. it was received by the ultra-Royalists nified reply of the monarch; but it in Paris. "At length," said they, produced no impression. The cries". we have a King-a great King; no were repeated, and after the King had more days such as the 14th July; passed on, became still more frequent; we see what Paris is worth. Forceloud demonstrations of dislike were always force; that is the secret of suclevelled at M. de Villèle, regarded as cess. At first everything seemed to embodying the policy of the Govern- favour their anticipations. The capital ment; and the princesses, who were remained perfectly tranquil; the dispresent at the review in open carriages, banding of the National Guard took returned to the Tuileries in despair place without opposition; but by a fatal at the contumelious expressions with want of foresight they were left in poswhich they had been assailed. session of their arms. As a military organised force, subject to discipline, they were put an end to; as a body of discontented men whose feelings had been ulcerated, upon whose loyalty an imputation had been cast, they remained with arms in their hands. But all was joy and confidence at the Tuileries; the days of revolution were The day on which the Bastile was taken. 63. Considering the great import- | ance of the National Guard, both as a powerful military force in possession of the capital, and as an organ of public | opinion in its inhabitants, this incident * In the tenth legion only these cries were general. In other two legions they were heard, but only from isolated individuals.See MARMONT'S Memoires, viii. 187, 189. * thought to be at an end. "Well," said | sins of the few guilty, and alienate the affections of the whole military force of the capital, because a small part of their number had been guilty of acts of insubordination, was an act of injustice so glaring, of imprudence so manifest, that it almost looks like judicial blindness to have taken such a step. The only thing which could by possibility have justified it, was the necessity of disarming so formidable and seditious a force in the capital; but even this excuse was awanting, for their arms were left in their hands. the Duke de Rivière, preceptor to the "" A 65. Both parties were to blame in 66. The treaty of 6th July 1827 rethis memorable event, which was the garding Greece has been considered in first downward step in the fall of the the chapter on its Revolution, with monarchy. The National Guard, who which it is more immediately connectinsulted the King by seditious cries, ed, as it led to the glorious battle of forgot their first duty as soldiers, which Navarino, which had the chief effect is implicit obedience; their first duty in establishing its independence. as citizens, which is personal respect domestic matter, however, signalised to their sovereign. If they were dis- the French legislation of this year, satisfied with the measures of Govern- which was also connected with Engment, they had a clear and constitu- land, for it was mainly urged on the tional mode of expressing it, which Cabinet by the English Government. was by their representatives in the This was a treaty for the suppression Chamber of Deputies; if they were dis- of the slave-trade. By the project of satisfied with the King for retaining the law introduced on this subject, the such servants in his confidence, their engaging in the slave-trade was decourse was to displace them by a vote clared punishable, with confiscation of of the Chambers. But to insult him the cargo and banishment to the chiefs with cries when he was reviewing them of the expedition, and from three to as soldiers, to urge a change of men five years' imprisonment to all others. and measures with bayonets in their engaged in the enterprise. The dishands, was to forego all the advantages cussion on the subject was very warm of representative government, and im- in both Houses, not so much on its pose on the country a rule of the worst own merits, for on such a subject there kind-that of prætorian guards or an could be no dispute, but on the indig armed democracy. The King and Gov-nity to France of submitting to what ernment were nearly as much to blame in the method they adopted for making their displeasure known. They were fully entitled, nay, officially called upon, to express their high displeasure at the legions which had been guilty of these acts of insubordination; nay, if they had even disbanded some of the battalions most in fault, though many might have doubted the prudence, none could have disputed the legality of the step. But to disband the whole National Guard on account of the misdemeanour of the tenth legion, to punish the many innocent on account of the VOL. III. was deemed an insulting and degrading dictation from a foreign power. It passed, however, by large majorities in both Houses; the majority in the Peers. being 114 in a House of 227, and in the Deputies nearly in the same proportion. 67. Notwithstanding the large majority in the Chamber of Deputies which had hitherto supported Ministers, it was apparent before the end of the session that their position was becoming precarious, and that ere long it might be necessary to dissolve the Chamber. The financial projects of the year were G discussed with great rigour and acri- | tory measure, it was determined, after mony; and the commercial crisis, which the session of the legislature had closed, had been felt with such severity in the to re-establish the censorship by a royal close of the preceding winter in Eng- ordonnance, and this was accordingly land, reacted upon the prosperity of done. The motives for the step were France, and occasioned an alarming announced in an article in the Monideficit in the Exchequer. January had teur, in which, amidst some exagexhibited a surplus of 2,860,000 francs, geration, much undoubted truth was but February and March showed instead stated.* The Opposition immediately a deficit of 6,755,000. This deficiency, took the alarm; a society was quickly though noways ascribable to Ministers, organised, of which M. de Chateaufurnished, as usual in such cases, a briand was president, to defend the powerful handle against them, and liberty of the press; and a host of added to the vehement denunciations pamphlets which issued from its memwith which their conduct was assailed bers, and inundated the country, showed by the Opposition. Benjamin Constant how little in real strength Government exclaimed-" M. de Villèle speaks of had gained by a measure so unpopular, the interest of the country! Was it, and so much calculated to inflame the then, for the interest of the country most violent passions. that the National Guard should be disbanded? Was its existence inconsistent with the interest of the country? Come to the point; specify how it happened that that National Guard, which in every crisis has defended and supported the interests of the country-which is attached to its laws-which is so devoted, so orderly, so courageouswhich is, as it were, the fruit and measure of the industry and prosperity of the state-should be thus ignominiously treated? Where are Ministers now to find their support? In the people?-They have outraged them. In public opinion?-They have roused it against them. In the Peers? They cannot subject them, but by subverting their independence. In the magistracy? They resist them in the sacred name of justice.' 69. But it was not sufficient to stifle the voice of the press; it was necessary also to overcome a hostile majority in the House of Peers, which, even more than the Chamber of Deputies, was known to be adverse to the present policy of Government. So largely had the former great creation of peers, in 1819, to force through the democratic changes in the constitution effected in that year, modified the spirit of the Chamber of Peers, that it had now become necessary to counteract it by as large a measure on the other side; and after considerable discussion in the Cabinet, it was agreed that the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies should be followed by a great creation of peers, sufficient to render it in har * "Cinq années de liberté de presse, durant 68. The manner in which these vio- lesquelles l'autorité s'est refusée constamment à désespérer du bon sens national, et lent apostrophes were received in both des écrivains qui seraient obligés de la conhouses, and the lessening majorities tester pour lui plaire; cinq années de traby which Ministers were supported in vaux laborieusement suivis à travers les difthe Deputies, especially on the finan-ficultés, que la licence des écrits suscitait sans cesse autour des projets les plus éclairés cial questions, demonstrated the ne- et des résolutions les plus droites; cinq ancessity of an appeal to the people nées d'excès d'une part, et de patience de to strengthen the hands of Admin- l'autre, ont pu enseigner à tous les hommes dont l'opinion mérite de compter dans les istration. The Government, accord-destins d'un pays, où étaient les amis et les ingly, in secret sounded the prefects ennemis de la presse. Ses ennemis ont vainas to the chances of success in the cu; ils ont désarmé la résistance de ses amis; ils ont arraché une ordonnance de Censure à event of a dissolution; and havune administration qui est née de la publicité ing received, as it always does from de la Tribune et de la Presse, qui à vécu par similar functionaries on such occa-elle, et qui est réduite à modifier l'une de ces sions, satisfactory assurances, the measure was resolved on. As a prepara libertés pour sauver l'autre, pour les sauver toutes ensemble."-Moniteur, 26 June 1827; Annuaire Historique, x. 245. mony with the views and policy of 70. The die was now cast, and Government. A large addition to the both parties began seriously to prepare ecclesiastical peers was resolved on, it themselves for a struggle, which all being thought that the interest of the saw to be inevitable. On the one side Church was not sufficiently strong in was the whole weight of authority and the Upper House. Five archbishops power, exercising its prerogatives, and were in the number, fifteen nobles, making use of its influence in the most and thirty-six rich proprietors from determined way, and setting at defithe Lower House. The world was ance the opinions of the great bulk of astonished at some of the names in the intelligent inhabitants of the counthe list; among others, the Count de try, to follow the dictates of a resolute Vieuville and the Count de Tocque- but rash and ill-judging ecclesiastical ville, prefect of the department of party. On the other was the whole Seine and Oise, were to be seen beside popular party, which, now foreseeing Marshal Soult, the hero of the Empire the danger which was approaching, and the Hundred Days, and Prince Ho-began to organise themselves in reguhenlohe, celebrated in German story. lar bodies, with a view both to a sysThe total number of peers agreed on tematic action on the public mind in was seventy-six-a number sufficient the mean time, and an efficient means to overbalance the numerical majority of physical resistance to Government, on the other side. The same Moni- if it should become necessary to have teur which contained this great crea-recourse to that extremity. The sotion contained also an ordonnance dis-ciety "Aidez-toi et le ciel t'aidera" solving the Chamber of Deputies, and was now established, composed for the appointing the electoral colleges to most part of ardent Liberals or Italian meet on the 17th and 24th November, Carbonari. Its maxim, as the name and the Chambers to assemble on the indicates, was to act for itself, and 5th February following. A list was seek the means of salvation for the published of the presidents of the public liberties in the vigour of its electoral colleges, nearly all in the in- own councils and the determination terest of the High Church party.* The of its own measures. There was noreason assigned for this step was main- thing illegal in either its constitution ly the difference between the situation or objects, as at first established. It of the peerage in England, which con- proposed simply, by constitutional tained so large a proportion of the pro-means, to organise an effective resistperty in the state, and in France, where it had so little; and that the consideration of the Assembly was chiefly dependent on the number and talents of its members. "En Angleterre la Chambre des Pairs a, comparativement à celle des Communes, une importance qui pourrait être moindre même sans danger, si on considère que la Chambre des Communes y est, pour ainsi dire, fille de la Pairie, qui, avec la Couronne, a une si grande influence sur les élections, où les pairs font admettre leurs fils, leurs frères, leurs parens, leurs obligés. En France rien de semblable. La Chambre des Pairs ne s'élève qu'aux deux-tiers à peu près de la Chambre des Députés; et avec une population double de celle de l'Angleterre, notre Chambre des Députés ne forme guère que les deux-tiers de la Chambre des Communes, et la Pairie Française égale à peine celle de l'Angleterre. La force de résistance de la Chambre des Pairs doit donc être dans le nombre de ses membres, et surtout dans l'esprit qui l'anime."-Moni teur, 5 November 1827. ance to the advance of power by the Government. All the measures of opposition were agreed on and discussed in its meetings; and never was union more complete, and enthusiasm more ardent, than existed among its members. The press resumed all its activity in the form of pamphlets, still exempt from the censure, and was directed with more ability, and a more thorough unity of object. Everything the Royalist Ministry had done since their accession to power was made the subject of the most violent invective, and commented on with the most unmeasured exaggeration. The acts by which they had gained a majority in the election of 1824, after the successful termination of the war in Spain, was now turned against themselves. To such a length did the general transport go, and so little did the parties deem it necessary to disguise their projects, that, in a letter publicly addressed to the Duke of Orléans, he was invited to head a revolution, and place himself on the throne, in ternis so unambiguous that he found it necessary, personally, to disavow it to the sovereign. * riots were characterised by one ominous symptom-the FIRST BARRICADES of these days, so well known in the contests of former times, were seen in the streets. One of them was so strongly constructed that it more than once repulsed the assailants, and was at last only conquered by a regular fire of musketry. What was still more alarming, hesitation for the first time appeared in the troops of the line. The enthusiasm excited by the Spanish war was at an end; and in more than one instance the officers of infantry refused to obey the orders of the civic authorities, or to act against the people. "It is not from such as you I am to take orders," said one; “I will not exchange bullets with stones," replied another. It was a rehearsal on a small scale of the great drama of 1830. 71. The general election came on in November, and as the objects of the opposite parties were now avowed, the greatest efforts were made on both sides, and the excitement of the public mind became indescribable. Every one felt that on the result it depended whether the objects of the Jesuits were to be accomplished, and a throne based on an ultramontane theocracy established, or a constitutional monarchy resting on a democracy, with the Duke of Orléans at its head, substituted in its stead. The elections in the col- 72. The repeated defeats sustained leges of arrondissements were a thun- in the provinces as well as the capital der-stroke to the Ministry. The Op--and, above all, the extreme and vioposition obtained two-thirds of the seats of that class: Paris was the theatre of the most violent contest; but the triumph of the Liberals was complete. Their candidates, M. Dupont de l'Eure, Lafitte, Casimir Perier, Benjamin Constant, Ternaux, RoyerCollard, and Baron Louis, all stanch · Democrats, had 6690 votes, while the ministerial could only muster 1110. Illuminations took place in several places; in others the mob endeavoured to force the occupants of houses to light up against their will. This led to serious riots, in the course of which the military were called out, and numerous arrests took place. These * "Echangez vos armoiries ducales contre la couronne civique. Allons, Prince; un peu de courage: il reste dans notre monarchie une belle place à prendre, la place qu'occuperait Lafayette dans une République-celle de premier citoyen de France. Votre principauté n'est qu'un chétif canonicat auprès de cette Royauté morale. Le peuple Français est un grand enfant, qui ne demande pas mieux que d'avoir un tuteur; soyez-le, pour qu'il ne tombe pas en de méchantes mains, afin que le char, si mal conduit, ne verse pas. Nous avons fait de notre côté tous nos efforts; essayez des vôtres, et saisissons ensemble la roue sur le penchant du précipice."-Lettre à M. le Duc d'ORLEANS, Nov. 1827, par M. CAUCHOIS-LEMAIRE, p. 16, 17. lent character of the successful candidates-left no doubt in the minds of Ministers that the Chamber returned would be greatly less manageable than that which had been dissolved, and that it was not improbable Government might be left altogether in a minority. Violent altercations in consequence ensued between M. de Villèle and the leaders of the Jesuits; each, as usual in such cases, endeavouring to throw the responsibility of steps which had proved so calamitous on the other. "What would you have? said he "have I not, this year, satisfied all your wishes? The severe restrictions on the press, the censorship of the journals, the creation of seventysix peers, the disbanding of the National Guard, the camp at St Omer, are they not sufficient? I have said it a hundred times, your march is too rapid; you think only of violence when management is what is required."-"Let us hear no more of concessions," replied the Duke de Rivière: "let us openly advance under the banners of a King who has the blood of Louis XIV. in his veins. Those cursed elections, which occasion so much annoyance, are en |