was. petitions had uniformly been rejected. Cities equally with counties, manufacturers alike with farmers, shopkeepers with squires, had earnestly implored relief, and offered to substantiate their distresses by evidence; but their prayers had been disregarded. They were told that they were altogether mistaken, that they were eminently prosperous, and that the cutting off of £150,000,000 annually from the remuneration of productive industry in the state had occasioned no diminution in its ability to bear the existing and undiminished burdens. Capital, intrenched in the close boroughs, which to 1830, which prompted a course so | much at variance with the present interests of Government, and fraught with such danger to the ultimate financial prospects of the country. Nor is it difficult to see what this cause The threatened resumption of cash payments by the Bank in 1816, the completed resumption in 1819, the suppression of small notes by the bill of 1826, did the whole. They created an overbearing necessity which nothing could withstand. Prices having been lowered above 50 per cent by these measures, and at least £150,000,000 annually cut off-save in 1818, 1824, and 1825, when the currency was ex-it had acquired by purchase, was more panded-from the remuneration of in- than a match for the industrial classes, dustry throughout the country, while still, under the existing constitution debts and money obligations remained of the House of Commons, in a minorthe same, it was impossible to main-ity; and, finding itself increased by a tain the former indirect taxes any more than the direct ones. Diminution of burdens became a state necessity to which everything, even the ultimate existence of the nation, required to yield. The taxes remitted, indeed, were little compared to the remuneration of industry cut off, but still they were something, and their remission at least removed the bitterest ingredient in the cup of misery-that of having its sufferings disregarded. 41. It soon appeared, however, that the destruction of the Sinking Fund was not to be the only effect produced by the contraction of the currency, and its being based entirely on gold, which by no possibility could be always retained. The sufferings of the industrial classes also made themselves known in a still more audible manner; and with the disappearance of small notes from the circulation in England, commenced the CRY FOR REFORM, which soon came to supersede all other cries, and produced such a ferment in the country as changed, first the administration, and then the constitution. The people, engaged in industrial pursuits, had come to be so universally involved in distress that they would bear it no longer. They had petitioned the Legislature for inquiry and relief, over and over again, during the last fifteen years, and these half by the existing system, derided the impotent efforts of labouring industry. Like the farmers-general of the revenue in France, who made colossal fortunes out of the labour of the people anterior to the Revolution, they said, Pourquoi tant de bruit? nous sommes si bien." Worse even than that, the influence of the capitalists had become such that they had succeeded not only in stifling the cry of distress, but in concealing from men its real cause, and, by their influence over the press, had withdrawn the public attention from the only change by which the general suffering could be alleviated. 42. These causes produced that general and blind cry for change, which ere long acquired such force as to be irresistible. The Whig leaders, who were the proprietors of a large part of the close boroughs, and by means of them had governed the country for eighty years after the Revolution, were in no hurry to forward their extinction; and although they were obliged, in order to keep up their credit with the people, to join, on some occasions, in the outcry against the corruptions of Parliament, yet in secret they were not less inclined than their opponents to uphold them. "In this," says the historian of their party, "there is nothing to be wondered at. All the great families had almost entirely receded | parliamentary reform, yet the general from the ranks of the reformers; and and long-continued distress consequent they looked with jealousy upon all on the contraction of the currency, who based their pretensions to popular from 1819 to 1830, obliged them at favour upon views of parliamentary length to alter their tone, and, in orreform. In 1819, they made the most der to preserve their lead with the bitter invectives against the reformers; people, give in to the general demand and when the Whigs, under Mr Can- for an entire change in the representaning, became themselves part of the tion. Government, their wishes for reform appear to have entirely disappeared."* The Canning party, both before and after the death of its leader, was still more strongly, and on principle, opposed to any general reform. But although these two great sections of the Liberal party, the Whigs and Canningites, were thus strongly opposed to the very last to any sweeping plan of * "Mr Tierney declared that he never rose with more of the spirit of moderation, or with more a disposition to harmony, than he felt at that moment; and, in the first place, he must thank his noble friend (Lord John Russell) for the opportunity which he had afforded the House of unanimously and decidedly discountenancing the wild and visionary doctrines of reform which had lately agitated the coun try." Lord John Russell said, on July 1, 1819, ing the right honourable gentleman. hold."-Ibid., 1830, p. 127. He has 43. The first symptoms of this feverish and unconquerable anxiety for change, appeared in a variety of motions on the subject of parliamentary reform, introduced during the session of 1830 by several detached members, without any apparent concert with each other, but which showed in an unmistakable manner how earnestly the subject was forced upon them by their constituents. Lord Howick, who, like his father Earl Grey, had, almost alone of the aristocratic members of the Whig party, been throughout a decided and consistent reformer, first brought forward a motion "for some general and. comprehensive measure, the only means which prevail," which was lost by a of checking the scandalous abuses majority of only 27; the numbers being 126 to 99. On 18th February, the Marquess of Blandford, a leader of the High-Church party, which was so profoundly irritated at Mr Peel and the Duke of Wellington for their conduct on Catholic emancipation, made a motion for a vague and very sweeping measure of reform, conceived rather in anger than wisdom, which was negatived by a much larger majority-the numbers being 160 to 57. A much more formidable, because better conceived and reasonable, onslaught on the existing state of things, was made by Lord John Russell, who, on 29th February, brought forward a motion for leave to bring in a bill "to enable the towns of Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham to return representatives to Parliament." Nothing more reasonable could be conceived; for this proposal, laying aside all projects of sweeping reform, went only to provide a remedy in the most moderate way for a great and acknowledged defect, and lessened the danger of future innovation by detaching from it the formidable alliance of present | gerating the difficulties and distresses grievance. The motion, accordingly, of the country, and representing rewas supported by the whole strength form in Parliament as the one and of the united Whig and Canning par- only panacea which would at once terties in addition to the Radical reform- minate all its sufferings. By steadily ers; and the division showed only a pursuing this object, and turning the majority of 48, the numbers being 188 whole ill-humour of the country aristo 140. The strength of the Reform ing out of the general distress into party, evinced by this division, in- this one channel, they hoped to carry duced Mr O'Connell, on 28th May, to their point in spite of all the lukebring in a bill, limiting the duration warmness of the Whig, and the oppoof Parliament to three years, to make sition of the whole Tory borough prosuffrage universal, and protect the prietors. voters by the ballot. Lord John Russell upon this moved an amendment to the effect, "that it is expedient to extend the basis of the representation of the people in this House, by giving members to large unrepresented towns, and to counties of greatest wealth and population.' Mr O'Connell's motion was rejected by a majority of 309, the numbers being 319 to 13; and Lord John Russell's amendment by 96, the numbers being 213 to 117. 45. Such, however, was the strength of the great capitalists interested in the continuance of the existing order of things, monetary as well as political, that it is doubtful whether these hopes would have been realised, at least without the aid of open violence, or for a long period, had it not been for two events which occurred in rapid succession at this period, and totally disturbed the balance of parties and equilibrium of the national mind in 44. These different decisions suffi- Great Britain. The first of these was ciently proved the progress which, in the death of the King, which took spite of the disinclination of the leaders place on the 26th June, and rendered a of the Whigs and Canningites, the dissolution of Parliament in the course Reform question was, from the pressure of the autumn unavoidable; the second from without, making in the House of the French Revolution, and fall of Commons. But meanwhile a still more Charles X. on July 28th, which caused efficient ally to the cause was arising, the new elections to take place during and had already acquired considerable a period when the public mind was strength in the country. This was the excited to the very highest degree by POLITICAL UNIONS, which, in imita- the sight of the overturn of a throne tion of the Catholic Association, were by urban revolt in the neighbouring formed in the principal unrepresented kingdom. The health of George IV., great towns in the empire, and which which had been long precarious, and ere long acquired an influence that much impaired by the anxieties and came to overbalance for the time that regrets consequent on Catholic emanciof both Houses of Parliament. They pation, failed so rapidly in the spring began in Birmingham, the city in the of this year, that on 15th April a bulkingdom which had suffered most from letin was issued, stating that his Mathe measures pursued by the Legisla-jesty was labouring under a bilious ture, in consequence of the immense disorder, which was soon ascertained reduction in the price of hardware to be in reality an ossification of the goods from the contraction of the cur- heart. So rapid was the progress of rency. Their object was to collect this frightful disease, that within six funds, appoint committees, and organ- weeks afterwards it became necessary ise corresponding societies, in order to bring a bill into Parliament, auto raise a universal cry for parliamen-thorising the royal sign-manual to be tary reform through the country; and to carry the question in spite of all the opposition which could be made by the holders of the close boroughs, by exag adhibited by stamp. The malady ran its usual course, exhibiting alternately symptoms of alleviation and aggravation, and at length terminated fatally on 26th June, in the sixty-eighth year |isters and the nation in bringing the of the Sovereign's age. contest to a triumphant close; but there his merit in that respect ended. He departed from life amidst the heartburnings and irritation consequent on Catholic emancipation, and on the eve of the great change which was to usher in reform; but he had neither merit nor demerit in these great events. He opposed the first as long and strongly as was consistent with his duties as a constitutional monarch, and beyond all question he would have done the same with the last, had his life been prolonged to the period when it came so violently to agitate the nation. His merits or demerits as a sovereign are irrespective, as is often the case with constitutional monarchs, of the great events of his reign. 46. George IV., who thus paid the debt of nature at one of the most critical periods of English history, is a Sovereign who has been so variously represented by political men and writers of opposite parties, that it is scarcely possible to recognise the features of the same individual in the two sets of portraits. The personal friend and cordial ally of the Whig leaders early in life, and then surrounded by their flattery, he became the object of their envenomed and impassioned hatred, when, in maturer years, after he had succeeded to power, he failed to realise the promises made to, and expectations formed by them, at a former period. By the Tories he was regarded with distrust and suspicion, while he was the companion of Fox, Sheri- 48. He undoubtedly possessed tadan, Tierney, the Duchess of Devon-lents of a very superior kind. They shire, and all the constellation of were thus portrayed by two men who Whig talent; by the Whigs he be- knew him well, and whose testimony, came the object of the bitterest of independent of their honest character all feelings, disappointed hope, when, and eminent fame, is rendered the after he became Regent, he called Lord more trustworthy that it was drawn Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and Lord after the monarch was no more. Eldon to his councils. It is easy to Posterity," said Sir Robert Peel, see that both parties, at these different" will regard his late Majesty as a periods, regarded him with exaggerated sovereign who, during war, maintainfeelings; and it is not impossible at ed the honour and the glory of Engthis distance of time, when a new gene- land, and who, during the whole period ration has succeeded, and different in- of his delegated trust, or of his reign terests have arisen, to see where the as sovereign, never exercised, or wished truth lies between their conflicting to exercise, a prerogative of the Crown, statements. except for the advantage of his people. 47. His reign as Regent and as King I am not overstepping the bounds of will always be memorable in English sober truth when I state that his Mahistory, for it commenced with the jesty was an enlightened friend of libgreatest military triumphs recorded in erty, that he was an admirable judge its annals, and it ended with the most and liberal patron of the fine arts; and important social and political changes I can from my own personal experience which have occurred since the Great assert, that his heart was ever open to Rebellion. Neither the one nor the any appeal which could be made to his other, however, can in justice be benevolence, and to the saving of huascribed to the Sovereign. He suc-man life, or the mitigation of human ceeded to the unrestricted duties and suffering." "The manners of George powers of royalty in June 1812, when IV.," said the Duke of Wellington, Wellington was commencing the Sala-"had received a polish, his undermanca campaign, and Napoleon was engaging in that of Moscow; and he reaped the harvest prepared by the perseverance and sacrifices of others. He gave a cordial support to his Min 66 standing acquired a degree of cultivation, almost unknown to any individual: on every occasion he displayed a degree of knowledge and of talent not often to be expected of a person holding his high office.' This is very with "Perdita" probably came to no high praise, and as such it has excited other end than that which an accomthe indignation of the Liberal histor-plished courtesan expects and deserves; ians; but the concurring testimony of but the case was very different with a all who enjoyed the Sovereign's private most superior and charming lady, Mrs society, or even met him on business, Fitzherbert, of whose person he obattest to its truth. His taste was re- tained possession by going through a fined in the highest degree; his ear fictitious and fraudulent marriage-cerefor music exquisite; his manners won mony, which he afterwards made Mr for him the reputation of being the Fox deny in Parliament. That illus"first gentleman in Europe,' and trious man never forgave the insult several of his private holograph let- thus offered to his honour; and when ters display a felicity of expression he discovered the falsehood of the which the most experienced profes- denial of which he had thus been sional writer might envy." made the unsuspecting instrument, 49. Unfortunately his character, like he withdrew altogether from an inthat of most men, was of a very mixed timacy followed by requisitions so dedescription, and the bad qualities were grading. Of truth, like other systethose of the heart rather than the head. matic voluptuaries, he was in a great He was as well informed, clear-sight- degree regardless, at least when it ed, and intelligent, as the Ministers in interfered with his pleasures or his daily converse with him on business passions. Self-willed and capricious asserted; but he was also as selfish, throughout, he became, as he advanced capricious, and self-willed, as the wo- in life, faithful only to one desire, the men admitted to still closer intimacy common refuge of such characters-he too fatally experienced. Love is the was mainly governed by the love of touchstone not only of the warmth, ease; and to this object he sacrificed but of the character of the heart; it many objects which he even regarded does not alter the disposition, but only as matters of conscience. He was brings it out; it renders the brave strongly opposed to Catholic emancimore brave, the generous more gener-pation, and had serious compunctious ous; but not less certainly the selfish visitings for having yielded to it; but more selfish, the egotistical more ego- he had not energy sufficient to face the tistical. George IV. was wholly in- struggle which would have ensued had capable of standing this searching test. he thrown himself on the country, and Supposing his severance from Queen refused the royal assent; nor, in truth, Caroline to admit of excuse, from what could such refusal at that period have was afterwards proved of the frailties served any good purpose. and indiscretions of that ill-starred princess, his conduct on other occasions when he chose for himself, and could not plead the Marriage Act in extenuation, was cold-hearted, perfidious, and deserving of the very high-gium and vituperation from the two est reprobation. His early amours * "Your glorious conduct is beyond all human praise, and far above any reward. I know no language in the world worthy to express it. I feel I have nothing left to say but devoutly to offer up my prayer of gratitude to Providence that it has, in its omnipotent bounty, blessed my country and myself with such a general. You have sent me, among the trophies of your unrivalled fame, the staff of a French marshal, and I send you in return that of England.”—PRINCE REGENT to DUKE of WELLINGTON, 3d July 1813; GURWOOD'S Despatches, x. 532. 50. WILLIAM IV., who succeeded on the death of the reigning sovereign, was a prince of a different character from his predecessor. Like him, he has been the object of alternate eulo great parties which divided the state. It was his lot to be called to the throne on the eve of the greatest political reVolution which has ever occurred in its history, and he has in consequence shared the fate of all persons involved in similar convulsions-that of being praised by each party as long as he favoured its views, and condemned as soon as he proved himself adverse to it. He was warmly eulogised by Mr Brougham at the outset of his reign, |