The Limits of Social Policy

Front Cover
Harvard University Press, 1988 - Political Science - 215 pages

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent minimum standard of living for all Americans, ran into trouble in the 1980s--with politicians, with social scientists, and with the American people. Nathan Glazer has been a leading analyst and critic of those measures. Here he looks back at what went wrong, arguing that our social policies, although targeted effectively on some problems, ignored others that are equally important and contributed to the weakening of the structures--family, ethnic and neighborhood ties, commitment to work--that form the foundations of a healthy society. What keeps society going, after all, is that most people feel they should work, however well they might do without working, and that they should take care of their families, however attractive it might appear on occasion to desert them.

Glazer proposes new kinds of social policies that would strengthen social structures and traditional restraints. Thus, to reinforce the incentive to work, he would attach to low-income jobs the same kind of fringe benefits--health insurance, social security, vacations with pay--that now make higher-paying jobs attractive and that paradoxically are already available in some form to those on welfare. More generally, he would reorient social policy to fit more comfortably with deep and abiding tendencies in American political culture: toward volunteerism, privatization, and decentralization.

After a long period of quiescence, social policy and welfare reform are once again becoming salient issues on the national political agenda. Nathan Glazer's deep knowledge and considered judgment, distilled in this book, will be a source of advice, ideas, and inspiration for citizens and policymakers alike.

 

Contents

Toward a SelfService Society
118
Superstition and Social Policy
140
Why Isnt There More Equality?
156
Copyright

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Page 100 - All social primary goods - liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the bases of self-respect - are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these goods is to the advantage of the least favored.
Page 145 - To be attached to the subdivision, to love the little platoon we belong to in society, is the first principle (the germ as it were) of public affections. It is the first link in the series by which we proceed towards a love to our country, and to mankind.
Page 145 - In democratic countries the science of association is the mother of science ; the progress of all the rest depends upon the progress it has made.
Page 22 - The research reported here was supported in part by funds granted to the Institute for Research on Poverty at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare pursuant to the provisions of the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964.
Page 100 - It is tempting to attribute this reluctance to cultural values— our economic individualism, our unusual emphasis on private property, the free market, and minimum government— because they permeate so many areas of American life. Although they certainly shape our public debates, these values do not explain much of our resistance to public spending and taxing.
Page 7 - ... that every piece of social policy substitutes for some traditional arrangement, whether good or bad, a new arrangement in which public authorities take over, at least in part, the role of the family, of the ethnic and neighborhood group, or of the voluntary association.
Page 103 - A regiment of naked men needs clothing too urgently to allow us to grumble that the standard sizes of the regimental contractor make all the uniforms, if closely scrutinized, nothing better than misfits. The Early Victorian community, bare of schools, or drains, or Factory Acts, had to get itself supplied with the common article of standard pattern, so to speak, by wholesale, in order to be able to survive at all.
Page 4 - ... the revolution of equality. This is the most powerful social force in the modern world. Perhaps only Tocqueville saw its awesome potency. For it not only expresses a demand for equality in political rights and in political power; it also represents a demand for equality in economic power, in social status, in authority in every sphere. And just as there is no point at which the sea of misery is finally drained, so, too, is there no point at which the equality revolution can come to an end, if...
Page 8 - ... another way of saying industrialism and urbanization, but I put it in the terms I did because I am increasingly convinced that some important part of the solution to our social problems lies in traditional practices and traditional restraints. Since the past is not recoverable, what guidance could this possibly give? It gives two forms of guidance: first, it counsels hesitation in the development of social policies that sanction the abandonment of traditional practices...
Page 148 - [Tjhere is increasing evidence that the informal procedures, contrary to the original expectation, may themselves constitute a further obstacle to effective treatment of the delinquent to the extent that they engender in the child a sense of injustice provoked by seemingly all-powerful and challengeless exercise of authority by judges and probation officers.

About the author (1988)

Nathan Glazer was born in New York City on February 25, 1923. He graduated from City College in 1944. He became an urban sociologist. He was an editor at the magazines Commentary and The Public Interest and at Doubleday Anchor Books. He served on presidential task forces on urban affairs and education, and taught at Bennington College, Smith College, the University of California at Berkeley, and Harvard University. He wrote or edited more than a dozen books including The Lonely Crowd written with David Riesman and Reuel Denney, Beyond the Melting Pot written with Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Affirmative Discrimination, We Are All Multiculturalists Now, and From a Cause to a Style: Modernist Architecture's Encounter with the American City. He died on January 19, 2019 at the age of 95.

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