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XXVI.

1830.

grounds of the Polish complaints, with the concessions CHAP. which would convert them from determined rebels into faithful subjects. These were the same as those which were shortly after published to the world on each side, and shall be immediately given. They embraced chiefly three points: The union of the provinces of Lithuania, Volhynia, and Podolia with the kingdom of Poland, in conformity with the promises of Alexander; the strict observance of the Charter; and the removal of the Muscovite garrisons from the entire kingdom of Poland. But the envoys met with the coldest possible reception from the Emperor Nicholas. They who hoped to bend that soul of iron little knew him. With a stern air and a determined voice he reproached them with their treason and ungrateful oblivion of all his benefits, and threatened them with the last extremities of military vengeance if the insurrection were any longer persisted in. He warned them that "the first cannon-shot fired would be the signal of the ruin of Poland." At the same time, declaring that he knew how to distinguish the guilty from the innocent, he offered an unconditional amnesty to all except the leaders of the revolt, and those actually engaged in the murders at Warsaw. These terms were of course rejected, and the envoys having returned to Warsaw, and the substance of the conference been published in the papers there, the public effervescence was greatly increased, and all classes, seeing an accommodation hopeless, prepared with magnanimous resolution for the decisive conflict.1 The neighbouring powers were far from being indif- 28. ferent spectators of the revolution at Warsaw. sooner did it break out than the Russian ambassa- conference Berlin inquired of these courts Prussia, conduct of their cabinets if it and Russia. The answer was in the highest Austria and Prussia both declared

dors at Vienna and what would be the terminated in a war.

degree satisfactory.

Anni 663; Rom.

1 Hist. xiii. 662,

Solt. i. 114,

115.

No Prepara

that they would collect an army of observation on the frontiers, the one of Gallicia, the other of the grand

tions and

of Austria,

XXVI.

1830.

CHAP. duchy of Posen; and they both entered into the following engagement, which was rigorously acted upon during the war "To permit no correspondence to pass from Poland through their dominions; to give no succour or assistance to the insurgents; to keep the harbours of Dantzic and Königsberg closed against all convoys of ammunition, of provisions, even if they should come from England or France; to sequestrate the funds belonging to the kingdom of Poland in the bank of Berlin, and place them at the disposal of the Emperor Nicholas; and should the revolt extend to Cracow, the grandduchy of Posen, or Gallicia, immediately to unite their forces to those of the Emperor of Russia, to maintain in full force the treaties of 1814 and 1815, without paying any regard to the notes or menaces of France." The effect of this agreement was to surround the little kingdom of Poland on all sides with a hedge of bayonets, and leave it no chance of foreign succour in maintaining the contest with its gigantic enemy.1

1 Cap. iv.

65.

29.

Secret

views of Austria

and France at this

juncture.

But although Austria and Prussia were thus to appearance united on the subject, and their measures were throughout the war entirely regulated by the policy thus agreed on, yet in reality there was a wide division between them, and little was wanting to have made the former of these powers take part with France and Poland in the contest. Had the efforts of the Poles been founded only on the principle of independence, and unconnected with the cause of revolution, she in all probability would have done so. The danger to Austria from the incorporation of the kingdom of Poland with the Russian empire, was so obvious and pressing that it overcame all the terrors of the cabinet of Vienna as to a

revolutionary state. The Austrian consul, accordingly, in the first instance, did not leave Warsaw; and a secret negotiation was opened with the cabinet of Vienna, the result of which was, that Austria would not object to the restoration of the nationality of Poland, and even

XXVI. 1830.

to contribute to it by the abandonment of Gallicia, pro- CHAP. vided Poland would agree to accept as king a prince of the house of Austria, and that the whole arrangements were made with the concurrence of the cabinets of Paris and London. M. Walewski, accordingly, was charged with a mission to sound these two cabinets on the subject. He met with a favourable reception at the Tuileries, where he arrived in the beginning of March; but M. Casimir Périer, who had just succeeded to the lead in the French government, said he could do nothing without the concurrence of the cabinet of St James's.1

1

Louis 448, 451.

Blanc, ii.

30.

tain declines

France in

Poland.

In consequence of this answer, M. Walewski came on to London, where he had some conferences with Lord Great BriPalmerston, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, on the to join subject. The hands of the English government, however, interfering were sufficiently full at that time with the affairs of Bel- in favour of gium, in regard to which it was sufficiently difficult to keep the representatives of the five powers assembled in London at one. It was thought, therefore, and probably with justice, that if, in this unsettled state of the several cabinets, a fresh apple of discord were thrown amongst them, and Russia was irrevocably alienated by support given to Poland, the conference would at once be broken up, Belgium would be incorporated with France, and a general war would ensue, in which it was more than probable that, from their superior resources and state of preparation, the legitimate states would prevail over the revolutionary. The Polish envoy, therefore, was informed, with every expression of regret, that England could not interfere; and Poland, for the present at least, was left to its fate.* All that France did was to

The note of the English government, in answer to the proposal of the French for an intervention in favour of Poland, was in these terms: "Le soussigné, en réponse à la note que lui a présentée l'ambassadeur de France, à l'effet d'engager le gouvernement Britannique à intervenir de concert avec la France dans les affaires de Pologne, par une médiation qui aurait pour but d'arrêter l'effusion de sang, et de procurer à la Pologne une existence politique et nationale, a l'honneur d'informer S. E. le Prince de Talleyrand, que malgré tous les désirs que pourrait avoir le roi de la Grande Bretagne de concourir

XXVI.

CHAP. send M. de Mortemart to St Petersburg to endeavour to obtain favourable terms for the Poles; but Nicholas gave him his answer by a significant motion of his hand across his throat, showing he was not unmindful of his 445, 451; father's fate, and which may be rendered by the familiar English phrase, "It is neck or nothing with me."1

1830. 1 Louis Blanc, ii.

Cap. v.

53.

31.

Chlopicki resigns the dictator

meeting of

the Diet,

20th December, and is re

Faithful to his promise, Chlopicki resigned his dictatorship as soon as the Diet met, on the 20th December. So much had the benefit of his firm and intrepid hand ship on the been felt since the overthrow of the former government, on the 29th November, and so general was the hope among the more moderate that he might yet bring matters appointed. to an amicable arrangement with the Czar, that this resignation excited a great and general consternation. The Diet hastened, however, to allay it, by reappointing him, with full powers, civil and military, under this restriction only, that his powers were to cease when he was displaced by a commission named by the Diet itself. This appointment was made by a majority of 108 to 1, so that it had almost the weight of unanimity. It was

avec le roi des Français à toute démarche qui pourrait consolider la paix en Europe, surtout à celle qui aurait pour effet de faire cesser la guerre d'extermination dont la Pologne est aujourd'hui le théâtre, S. M. se voit forcée de décliner; qu'une médiation toute officieuse, vu l'état actuel des évènemens, ne pourrait pas manquer d'être refusée par la Russie, d'autant plus que le Cabinet de St Petersbourg vient de rejeter les offres de ce genre qui lui ont été faites par la France; que par conséquent l'intervention des deux cours, pour être effective, deverait avoir lieu de manière à être appuyée en cas de refus. Le roi d'Angleterre ne croit devoir adopter aucunement cette dernière alternative; l'influence que peut avoir la guerre sur la tranquillité des autres états, n'est pas telle qu'elle doive nécessiter ces démarches, et les relations franches et amicales qui existent entre la cour de St Petersbourg et S. M. ne lui permettant pas de les entreprendre. S. M. B. se voit donc forcée de décliner la proposition que vient de lui transmettre le Prince Talleyrand par sa note du 20 Juin, jugeant que le tems n'est pas encore venu de pouvoir l'entreprendre avec succès, contre le gré du souverain dont les droits sont incontestables. Pourtant S. M. charge le soussigné de témoigner à S. E. l'ambassadeur de France combien son cœur souffre de voir tous les ravages qui ont lieu en Pologne, et de lui assurer qu'elle fera tout ce que ses relations amicales avec la Russie lui permettront pour y mettre fin, et que déjà les instructions ont été données à l'ambassadeur de S. M. à St Petersbourg pour déclarer qu'elle tiendra à ce que l'existence politique de la Pologne, établie en 1815, ainsi que ses institutions nationales lui soient conservées. PALMERSTON. 25th June 1831."-L. BLANC, vol. ii. pp. 451, 452.

XXVI.

1830.

received with unbounded applause, the members embrac- CHAP. ing each other with tears of joy. The transports were increased when Chlopicki, amidst profound silence, with a noble air, but a voice trembling with emotion, said, "Gentlemen, I only accept the power with which you have invested me, with the firm intention to employ it for the good of the country: I will retain it only till it is your pleasure to resume it; then, obeying the commands of the nation, I will peaceably retire to my home, rich Ann. Hist. only in the approbation of a pure conscience, and proud 664; Rom. of having consecrated my last efforts to the liberation of 156. my unhappy country."

"1

1

xiii. 663,

Solt. i. 150,

32.

acts after his appoint

ment.

Unbounded general enthusiasm succeeded this moving scene, and the patriotic efforts of the Poles were such as His first seemed to give a hope of success even against the colossal n power of Russia, and unquestionably against any lesser state would have secured it. No less than 800,000 florins (£80,000) were next day subscribed for the service of the state by the citizens of Warsaw, a prodigious sum in a city only containing a hundred and forty thousand inhabitants, and without manufactures or external commerce of any kind. Chlopicki added to the general enthusiasm by refusing for himself the salary of 200,000 florins (£20,000) a-year, which the decree of the Diet had attached to his office. The first act of Chlopicki, after his election, was to appoint a national council, consisting of Prince Czartoryski, Ladislaus Ostrowski, Prince Radziwil, Leon Dembrowski, the senator Kartellan, and the deputy Barzykowsky, to administer the government under him. At the same time, the utmost efforts were made to increase and render efficient the military force of the kingdom, which the official states published by the government made amount to 80,000 regular troops and 300,000 national guards. But it turned out that these estimates were greatly exaggerated, and the effective force in the field never amounted to a half of either of these numbers. Meanwhile powerful batteries were erected in

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