XXI. 1827. CHAR in the discussion of the present question? On the contrary, if the authority derived from these doctrines be only the stronger on account of their being borrowed from religion, and misapplied to worldly purposes, that, in my opinion, furnishes an additional motive for closely investigating the doctrines themselves. When I find the Pope issuing bulls to the Irish Roman Catholic bishops, and such documents sent forth to four or five millions of people destitute of education, I must say that they are very apt to influence their conduct in life. When I hear, too, such doctrines ascribed to a desire to promote the pure doctrines of Christianity, I cannot help having a lurking suspicion that they are rather intended to maintain a spiritual authority, capable of being applied to temporal purposes, which is said to be extinct, but which it is evident is still existing. 74. "I have no objection to the professors of the Roman Continued. Catholic religion as individuals; I quarrel not with their religious tenets as a matter of faith but I am jealous of the political system which is engrafted on those tenets; and I think I have a perfect right, on the present occasion, to consider what has been the influence of that political influence in different countries. Without going back to dark and distant ages, and viewing the effect of the Catholic religion, as it exists at the present day in different countries-in some where it luxuriates in undisputed growth, in others where it is only struggling for supremacy, in a third class where it is subordinate to another and a purer system-the result of my investigation and observation is, that it is expedient to maintain in this country the mild, mitigated, and temperate predominance of the Protestant Church. It is the natural desire of every man to promote the welfare of the religious faith to which he is sincerely attached. If Roman Catholics were admitted into Parliament, what could be more natural than that they should labour to extend the influence of their religious system over XXI. 1827. the country, and to bring it into closer connection with CHAP. the Government ? The consequence would be to bring the Catholic and Protestant religions into collision, in such a manner as might prove the destruction of the latter; and I consider the confusion and disorders which must prevail for ages before that event takes place as a greater evil than the event itself. 75. Although I believe that the admission of Catholics into Parliament and the great offices would endanger the Continued. constitution, yet, if I was satisfied that it would tranquillise Ireland, and produce all the benefits which are anticipated from it, I would sacrifice my apprehensions to the attainment of so immense a benefit. But I cannot bring my mind to believe that the removal of the disabilities would produce such a consummation. If, indeed, the friends of the Catholics proposed, after having carried this point, to make the religion of the great majority of the Irish people the religion of the state, to restore the possessions of the Church to the Catholics, and open to them the great offices of state, possibly such a line of policy might appease and tranquillise the Catholics. But this they do not say; on the contrary, they disavow any intention to attack the Established Church. But if they maintain the Protestant Church, there will still be a barrier between the two religions: the real apple of discord will remain, only you will have augmented the power of the Catholics to produce the confusion. Would not the Catholic priests exercise their spiritual authority for temporal purposes? The priests have already been lauded for exercising their influence at elections, which they have done to an extent which is utterly unjustifiable; but that is nothing to what may be expected in future, if by such interference they have the prospect of advancing, for the interests of their faith and their temporal advantage, the measures of the legislature. And this is the measure which is to tranquillise Ireland, and eradicate the poison of faction from the land. CHAP. 1827. 76. "The influence of some great names, of some great men, has been lately lost to the cause I support; but I never adopted my opinions upon it from deference either Concluded. to high station or high ability. Keen as the feelings of regret must be with which the loss of these associates is recollected, it is still a matter of consolation to me that in the absence of these individuals I have now an opportunity of showing my adherence to those tenets which I formerly espoused-of showing that, if my opinions be unpopular, I stand by them still, when the influence and authority that may have given them currency are gone, and when it is impossible that in the mind of any human being I can stand suspected of pursuing them with any view to favour or personal aggrandisement." The honourable consistency of Mr Peel on this occasion deserves to be particularly noticed, and his sincerity cannot be doubted; for the death of the Duke of York and of Lord Liverpool had deprived the Protestant party of their 1 Parl. Deb. chief support; and the state of the Cabinet, and pro971; Ann. bable accession of Mr Canning to its head, rendered the opinions then so manfully delivered to all appearance a very long, if not perpetual, exclusion from office.1 xvi. 963, Reg. 1827, 51, 55. 77. measure on the Corn Equal, if not superior, to the agitation excited by Ministerial the discussion of this great political question, was that awakened by the Government measure on the Corn Laws. Laws, which, in pursuance of the pledge given last session, the Ministers brought forward. The bill originally framed by Lord Liverpool's cabinet was introduced by Mr Canning, on March 1st, in a speech of very great ability, which added another to the many proofs which history affords, that ability of the highest order is capable of application at the will of its possessor to any imaginable subject. He began by stating: "Everybody admitted the necessity of protecting the agricultural interests; the only question was the mode and degree in which that protection should be administered. That protection is due to domestic agriculture can hardly be de XXI. 1827. nied; and, on the other hand, stern inflexible prohibition CHAP. can hardly be defended; for even those of the agriculturists who were most attached to it, uniformly made it a recommendation of their plan, that Parliament, if it were sitting, and if not, the executive government, might always step in, in cases of necessity. Three modes of protection had been proposed: the first, that of Mr Ricardo, that the duty on wheat should be 20s. a quarter, to diminish a shilling with every year till it reached a minimum of 10s.; the second, a similar duty, lowering 1s. every year, but beginning at 16s. and coming down to 10s.; the third, a fixed duty of 5s. or 6s. once for all, without any reference to the price. 78. "The great fluctuations of price between 1815 and 1822 proved that some modification of the Corn Law, introduced Continued. in the former of these years, was accordingly necessary, and a new act was passed which gave up unlimited protection, and recognised a certain duty; but the effect of it was in a great measure lost by a clause which declared that the new act should come into operation only when the price exceeded 80s., which it had never since done, so that the act had remained a dead letter. Instead of this, what is now proposed is, to adopt, not a fixed, but a variable duty, which should vary in the relative proportion to the price of corn. The duty on wheat is to be 20s. when the price has reached 60s. a quarter, and to diminish 2s. a quarter with every 4s. advance of the price, so that at 70s. all duty would cease. On the other hand, when the price was 59s., the duty would be 22s., and so on, till, when it fell to 55s., it would amount to 30s., which might be considered as equivalent to a prohibition. On inferior grains, the same variable duty, but at a lower rate. Barley, at 30s., was to pay a duty of 10s. a quarter; oats, at 21s., of 7s. the former to diminish by 1s. 6d. for every 1s. 1 Parl. Deb. advance in the price, and increase for every 1s. in the fall 779; Ann. below that standard; the latter to increase or diminish 65, 69. by 1s."1 The obvious intention of this proposal was to xvi. 758, Reg. 1827, CHAP. fix the price of wheat as nearly as possible at 60s. a quarter, that of barley at 30s., that of oats at 21s. XXI. 1827. 79. Result of the debate mons and Lords. It is unnecessary to recapitulate the arguments used on this occasion on either side, which were substantially in the Com- the same as those adduced in the preceding session, of which an account has already been given. But several very curious things occurred in the course of it, indicating at once the strength of the agricultural interest in the legislature as then constituted, and the strange mistakes on the subject which were made on both sides in the discussion of it. "On a division," says the annalist," the amendment was lost, and the resolutions of Ministers carried by a majority of 335 to 50; so small was the proportion of members from whom the agriculturists had to fear any very near approach to a free trade in grain." In the committee the majorities in favour of Ministers were generally 3 to 2, and the bill passed the Lower House ultimately without a division; but its fate was very different in the House of Lords. Before it went there the change of Ministry had taken place; Mr Canning was Premier, and the Duke of Wellington leader of the Opposition in the House of Lords. The Corn Laws, which so powerfully affected the interests of the greater part of that assembly, were deemed a favourable ground on which to combat the new Ministry with the forces of the old Tory aristocracy, and an amendment was prepared which it was hoped might prove fatal to the bill. The result did not belie these anticipations. There were, it was understood, above 500,000 quarters of foreign grain in bond in the country; and the Duke of Wellington moved as an amendment, that "no foreign grain in bond shall be taken out of bond until the average price of corn shall have reached 66s." This was resisted by Ministers on the ground that the effect of this clause would be to keep the average price up at 66s., and entirely defeat the principle of the bill; but on a division it was carried against them by a majority of 4, the numbers being 78 |