not Sitomagus. The theory of Camden, Blomefield and Dyer appears to be correct, that Combretonium is the Roman camp near Brettenham in Suffolk; and Sitomagus at or near Thetford, which appears to be the Iciani of Iter v. of Antonine. Another road seems to have crossed the Peutinger road at Ixworth in Antonine's time, running from Villa Faustini (Diss) to Icklingham and Mildenhall; and the arrangement of Antonine's Itinera V and IX seems to be as follows, the Peutinger road being shown by thick lines':

Only one other road is delineated in the Tabula, viz. that on which we find marked Ridumo and Isca Dumnomorum. There can be little doubt that Ridumo is the Moridunum of Antonine, and Isca, of course, is Exeter. The exact position of Moridunum is now almost certain, owing to the researches of Hoare and Warne, viz. at Honiton, or Hembury Fort near Honiton, and not at Seaton. Antonine, the Tabula and Richard agree in stating 15 miles as the distance from Isca to Moridunum, which agrees with the position of Hembury Fort. This road, then, must be the British trackway, afterwards converted into a Roman road, along the crest of the Downs, from Durnovaria (Dorchester), past Maiden Castle, Aggerdun and Lambard's Castle; along which, from the regular series of Roman camps, placed in opposition to British forts, we may suppose Vespasian to have advanced in his conquest of the south of Britain'. This road was called, as a Roman road, the Dorset Fossway, and fell into the great fosse at the Hembury Fort, just mentioned.

The map confirms the idea, generally held, that Anderida, Regulbium, Othona, Portus Adurnus, were not fortified ports till the reign of Carausius, when they were constructed to form with the older forts or stations, Dover, Hythe, Richborough, Burgh Castle (Garionium), and Brancaster (Brancodunum) the line of defence of the Saxon shore. It is impossible to say positively that the map indicates the non-existence of Garionium at its date, for where the map breaks off is uncertain; but probably, if Garionium had existed, it would have been in the existing fragment of Britain.

The conclusions, therefore, suggested by the Tabula Peutingeriana in relation to Britain, are:

I. That in the time of M. Aurelius London was a place of little importance, though it had previously been a resort of merchants, but not a fortress;

See Warne in Archæologia, vol. 41, p. 387.

II. That the Watling Street, as a British road, crossed the Thames considerably to the west of London;

III. That the Ermine Street is a late Roman work;

IV. That the Romans may have had a station at Dunwich; but that the road from Silchester, through Colchester to Norwich, did not pass through Dunwich, but went directly from Colchester to Ixworth and on to Thetford, and that Thetford is Sitomagus, and Ixworth Iciani;

V. That the majority of the forts of the Saxon shore did not exist at the date mentioned.

XVIII. NOTE ON THE TOMB (IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY)

OF MARGARET BEAUFORT, COUNTESS OF RICHMOND
AND DERBY, MOTHER OF KING HENRY VII.
Communicated by J. W. CLARK, M.A., Trinity
College.

[May 7, 1883.]

WHILE searching the Audit-Books of S. John's College for notices of the buildings, I came upon a series of entries relating to the tomb of the Lady Margaret in Westminster Abbey; and subsequently, while looking through a bundle of old papers which had been found in the Muniment Room, I had the good fortune to discover some receipts signed by the artists employed upon it. These throw additional light on the original design of the tomb, and also confirm the tradition that the existing structure was executed by Pietro Torregiano, the celebrated Florentine sculptor.

In her will,

The Lady Margaret died 29 June, 1509. dated 6 June, 1508, she had given the following directions respecting the place of her burial:

'And our body to be buried in the monastery of Seynt Peter of Westm' in suche convenable place as we in our life, or our executors aftir our 18

C. A. S. Comm. VOL. V.

decesse shall provide for the same within the chapell of our Lady which is nowe begon by...our most deer son'1.

She was accordingly buried in King Henry the Seventh's Chapel near the east end of the south aisle. Her tomb is "an altar monument of black marble and touchstone, each side being divided by pilasters into three compartments. At the ends and sides are eight scutcheons within chaplets of laurel surrounded by roses. On the top is a recumbent effigy of the Countess in her coronet and robes of state, the head resting on cushions beneath a gothic canopy; and the feet supported by a fawn. The effigy, scutcheons, chaplets, roses, etc. are of copper, and the effigy is gilt. On the ledge of the tomb is the inscription, composed by Erasmus." This altar-tomb is in excellent preservation. I am now able to shew that it was originally protected by a cage of gilt ironwork, resting on a stone plinth, which has not only disappeared, but all tradition of its former existence has been forgotten. The tomb was paid for by the executors of the Countess, but the ironwork was the gift of S. John's College, and must have been a very splendid work, for it cost £25, which represents at least £250 at the present value of money, exclusive of the stonework, and the gilding.

The accounts of the Executors of the Lady Margaret shew a total expenditure of £17. 8s. 2d. upon the tomb. Garter King receives £0. 13s. 4d. for "declaring my ladies armes in viij schochyns for my ladies tombe, and deliuerede to the florentyne, 27 December, 1512": Erasmus receives £1. Os. Od. for the epitaph, 28 December, 1512: "Maynarde paynter" receives

1 Will of Margaret Countess of Richmond: printed in the Appendix to her funeral sermon by Bishop Fisher, ed. Hymers, p. 230.

2 Memoir of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby. By the late C. H. Cooper, F.S.A. 8vo. Camb. 1874. p. 124. Mr Cooper gives the inscriptions, and describes the eight coats of arms, with other particulars.

3 Cooper, ut supra, p. 200.