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FRIENDS' REVIEW.

VOL. II.

A RELIGIOUS, LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS JOURNAL.

PHILADELPHIA, NINTH MONTH 23, 1848.

EDITED BY ENOCH LEWIS.

Published Weekly by Josiah Tatum,
No. 50 North Fourth Street,
PHILADELPHIA.

Price two dollars per annum, payable in advance, or six copies for ten dollars. This paper is subject to newspaper postage only.

For Friends' Review.

MEMORIALS OF REBECCA JONES.

NO. VIII.

(Continued from page 819.)

One day R. Jones going upon deck, saw George Dillwyn seated in pensive mood upon the chicken coop (which on ship board is ordinarily fitted for a seat.) He said to her, " Rebecca, canst thou keep a secret?" To which she replied, that she was not in the habit of prying into other people's secrets, but that she could keep them when entrusted to her. "Well, then," said he, "I think we shall see land next First day." They were soon joined by all their companions except Thomas Ross, who was confined in his cabin (as will hereafter appear) by a hurt. R. J. remembering the lonely situation of the latter, went to sit with him. He accosted her in the same words, querying if she could keep a secret; to which she repeated her former reply. He then expressed the same prospect, that they should see land next First day. On First day morning (5th mo. 22d, 1784,) George rose very early, and, standing on the quarter deck with his arms folded behind him, he called out with a firm voice, "land ahead!" The Captain being still in his berth, hastened up in alarm, and asked who had called "land ahead." George, calmly retaining his position, in a few minutes repeated his call. The Captain immediately ordered to the mast-head a man who was noted for distant sight, to keep a look out When after the lapse of 10 or 15 minutes, no sign of land could be discovered, the Captain. sharply rebuked G. D. for the false alarm, which might, he said, have led to serious consequences. George stood unmoved, and called, in a firm tone, and louder than before, "land ahead!" The puzzled Captain ordered the lead to be thrown, but, before this could be done, the sentinel called out," ahoy, land ahead!" The lead

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was thrown, and, in reference to it, the compiler turning for confirmation to Captain Truxton's sea journal, finds the following note:

"Sunday, 23d May. At 6 o'clock sounded, got 42 fathoms water-shells and rotten brown stones at 7 made the land-take it for the start-bearing E. N. E.; 9 leagues distant. Latitude observed 49 45 North."

Rebecca preserved some of the shells and sand taken at this place, a portion of which is still kept.

We will anticipate the course of the narrative to say, that they landed at Gravesend on Sixth day, the 28th of Fifth month, after a passage of M.; this being the day prior to the select Yearly 30 days, reaching London about 4 o'clock, P. Meeting. Two weeks afterwards, the ship to which their attention had first been turned, was towed in, on her beam ends, the keel being out of the water, the ballast having shifted in a storm so that they were unable to right her. They had taken a different course from the one pursued by the "Commerce," and experienced danger and distress, so that all hope of reaching their port at one time vanished. A female passenger afterwards told R. J. that, as she lay in her berth, she could dip her hand into the water in the cabin, and that while her soul's concerns were uppermost, and her heart was engaged in fervent prayer, the only temporal desire she allowed herself to cherish, was, that she might not struggle long in the water.

We now insert some extracts from her own notes of the voyage.

"We left Philadelphia, Fourth month 24th; upwards of sixty Friends with us. Dined at Chester, then proceeded to Wilmington; had a meeting, which was large, and favoured with confirming evidence that the Lord is good to those that fear him, to the souls of those who in sincerity seek and serve him.

where the ship lay; had a meeting in the Court 25th. First day.-Proceeded to New Castle House with the inhabitants, to satisfaction; after which we dined, and after an affectionate leave which was ready for our reception. Our dear of our dear friends, went in a yawl to the ship, friends S. Hopkins, Samuel Smith, John Parrish, wife and son, S. Pleasants and wife, Phebe Pemberton, Ann Dillwyn,* and Ann Emlen, Jr.,

• Afterwards wife of John Cox.

accompanied us on board, about 4 o'clock, where | tions I am under to the great Shepherd of Israel,

we felt easy and resigned, trusting in that gracious Providence who is able to protect and preserve us by sea and by land. After adjusting our little conveniences, &c., we retired to rest, which was much interrupted. However, I got some sleep, and felt refreshed and comforted in the hope that the Lord was with us.

26th. Second day. About 7 A. M., the wind having sprung up, and fair, we reached the capes, which is near 100 miles, by one o'clock, P. M., when the ship hove to for the Pilot, who left us about two o'clock.

28th. Fourth day.-Extremely sick. G. M. and self taking little nourishment, yet quiet in spirit, looking to the Lord.

who has not only favoured my poor soul with the knowledge of his will respecting me, but, oh! blessed be his power, has furnished with strength sufficient hitherto to comply with his heavenly requirings. And I feel at this instant renewed desires, that I may be kept humbly dependent on HIM alone, who is strength in weakness, and riches in poverty. Hitherto all the company in the cabin have conducted in great harmony, each being willing to assist the other in little kindnesses, and our mutual friend, nurse, and helper, Sarah Dillwyn, has been particularly attentive to our various wants. I esteem myself under great obligations to her; may her labour be acceptable, and rewarded by the great Master, who has promised that they who give a "cup of cold water in the name of a disciple, shall receive a disciple's reward."

And in the course of this voyage, Wm. Ludlam (one of the passengers-an obliging, sensible, well behaved man) having a stone bruise on his heel, and S. Emlen, and T. Ross, having, by the motion of the ship, slipped and hurt themselves, S. D. has had to dress and tend the wounds of them all. I was favoured with a quiet good

29th. Fifth day.-Had a poor night; high wind kept us rolling about, and very sick. Three of our hogs washed overboard, and several poultry drowned-but the dead lights having been put up in the afternoon, the cabin was mostly dry. As I lay rolling about, the sea being very rough, my mind was turned toward the Lord, and this petition revived with life and sweetness: "Let not the water-flood overflow me, neither let the deep swallow me up." And my trust and confidence were renewed in the all-night, more so than any previous, and was in my sufficient Helper of his people. This day we passed through the gulf stream of Florida, and left Cape Henry to the windward.

30th. Sixth day.-G. D., M. J., and myself continue very sick, but the weather clearing up, and a pretty good breeze from W. and shifting to N. W., we ran along finely. I came upon deck about one P. M., and was revived with the air, and took a little nourishment-so I sat on the floor of the deck to make this memorandum -retired to rest under a humbling sense of the Lord's continued care and regard towards his poor servants, who have left all to follow his leadings.

5th mo. 1st. Seventh day.-Very sick-yet quiet in mind-trusting in the Lord.

2d. First day.-Our Captain having been informed last evening that we thought it right for our little band to retire and wait upon the Lord, under the persuasion of his providential care, and in acknowledgment of our dependence upon him for a blessing, he readily consented, and appeared willing the steerage passengers might have the privilege of sitting with us, if they chose it. But the wind springing up freshly, and increasing with rain, we sat down alone. Melting goodness was near our spirits. J. Ross, and S. Emlen, had some encouraging hints, and we were comforted as well as bowed together in spirit. The Lord's great name be praised!

3d, 4th, and 5th.-The wind being fair, we sailed from 8 to 10 knots. We came in sight of the banks of Newfoundland.

6th. Fifth day.-A calm, and a pleasing calm of soul. May gratitude be the covering of my sprt, under a renewed sense of the deep obliga

sleep in company with my dear friends at Philadelphia, in the enjoyment of sweet unity and fellowship, especially my dear H. C., for whose welfare is my soul anxiously solicitous, that she, with myself, may be kept near the Lord, waiting steadily on him for help and direction in the most needful time, and that we may be supported, encouraged, and helped, under the present trial, and stand so unreservedly dedicated to the Lord's will and requirings, that the hands of our arms may be made strong for labour in the heavenly vineyard, in the day time.

8th. Seventh day.-Had a good night. Awoke about midnight, in the enjoyment of divine love and sweetness on my heart in a superior degree -lying peacefully with my mind turned towards HIM who has, I do believe, required this sacrifice at my hands, and whom I do acknowledge. worthy to be served, honoured and obeyed, now and forever. In the morning sea sickness came on again, that G. D., M. J. and myself were renewedly tried.

A small bird called a curlew plover, supposed to come from the banks of Newfoundland, lit on one of the ship's yards, was taken by one of the hands, and brought into the cabin. It is about the size of a pigeon, with a small bill, like a snipe. It being a stranger, and, to us Americans, a curiosity, our captain has ordered a box for its accommodation, S. D. wishing to carry it to England. My mind was this evening poor, but quiet. Retired early to bed.

9th. First day morning.-Awoke refreshed, both in body and spirit. Sick for a short space, but, getting better, was favoured to sit in the cabin where a meeting was held, the Captain,

cabin passengers, most of the steerage passen- | so rapidly that in the last 24 hours we have gers, and as many of the seamen as could be sailed 240 miles. spared from working the ship, attended, and behaved well. It was a solid, good opportunity, and, I trust, was owned by the Great Commander of the seas. G. D., S. E. and M. J. each appeared lively in the exercise of their gifts. A light head wind.

66

10th. Second day.-Awoke with these expressions, Confide in his mercy, and adore his power." Was sick at first rising, but grew better. Spent great part of this day upon deck, in sweet fellowship with our little band. Little wind, and that ahead.

11th. Third day.-Less sick to-day. A fine wind. In the evening my mind was drawn into secret retirement, in which my soul was bowed in humble prostration and worship to the God of my life, who hath done great things for me, a poor, unworthy creature. Rain in the night, with thunder and lightning.

12th. Fourth day.-Could have slept this morning, but felt much sympathy with M. J., knowing by experience how dispirited they feel who are very sea sick. I called the steward, and gave orders for some gruel, which was salutary, and she seemed better after it. Our worthy friend, T. Ross, this day, by a lee lurch of the ship, fell in the cabin and wounded one of his legs badly, which was timely attended to. It was a favour he was not more hurt. I retired to rest under a thankful sense of Divine mercy, and fresh breathings of soul after the renewal of love and favour.

13th. Fifth day.-Awoke sweetly refreshed; arose humbled in a view of my own weakness. Felt drooping this day, but quiet in mind.

14th. Sixth day.-Better this morning. Admired the kindness of Divine Providence towards us in this our floating inclosure on the great deep. Blessed be His great name whose care is over his poor servants, fulfilling his gracious promise who hath said, "I will not fail thee, nor forsake thee." We had a sweet refreshing season this morning in our cabin, select from the other passengers, which is an additional favour. It appears from the Captain's account that, by 12 o'clock this day, we have, in 24 hours, sailed 228 miles. He, with Wm. L. and R. Ely, &c., are preparing fishing tackle to catch

mackerel.

May our rejoicing be in fear, depending only on the divine protecting arm of the Almighty, without whose permission not a hair of our heads will be allowed to perish.

15th. Seventh day.-A fine fair wind, and such pleasant weather, that our Captain tells us that we might go to sea for 20 years and not have such another day, for our ship is steady enough to sew and write pleasantly, though going

*Richard Ely, an affable, courteous man, was our fellow passenger.

16th. First day.-The wind unfavourable. I was not so well to-day. We sat down quietly in the morning, but had not so general an opportunity as on last First day. Spent the latter part of this day alone in our state room, my heart being turned towards the Lord, and my confidence renewed in his sufficiency and strength, for the fully supplying of our various

needs.

17th. Second day.-Rose refreshed in body, yet low in mind, though not discouraged much desiring to be rightly directed in my future movements, particularly in the place suitable for me to take up my abode whilst in the great city towards which we are approaching; and that I may be kept humble, little and low, in that simplicity which my heart has been long convinced is designed for my safety, and has ever been the prelude of true peace. Oh that wisdom and knowledge may be the stability of our times! Then may we hope the Divine strength will be our salvation and rejoicing. Amen said G. D. [This is in G. D.'s hand writing.]

The following instance of the signal care of Divine Providence is worthy of record. Samuel Emlen, Jr.,* had just moved from his seat directly under the sky light in the cabin, when one of the sheep on deck fell through the glass into the cabin. Without doubt, if S. had been in the spot where he had been sitting, without his hat, the particles of glass, with the weight of the falling animal on his bare head, must have greatly wounded him, if not taken his life. May a grateful sense of the distinguished Mercy, be so impressive on his young and tender mind, as to excite this query in sincerity, "What shall I render to thee, oh Lord, for all thy benefits ?"

18th. First day.-Not so well this day. Still under an exercise on my own account, that the Lord, my alone Helper, may condescend to favour me with the distinct knowledge of his will, that I may not determine in the uncertainty, nor mistake his counsel. Spoke a brig from Amsterdam, bound to New York.

(To be continued.)

If we maintain a just sense of the fallibility of our judgments, and the deficiency of our own conduct, when tried by a standard of perfection and purity, we shall be cautious of judging the errors and failures of others with severity.

Samuel Emlen, Jr., was afterwards a valued and beloved Elder in the church, and a man of remarkable

watchfulness. He died in great peace, in Burlington, N. J., 12th month 29th, 1837. During the last hours of him, he made several efforts to repeat the passages, “I his life, after the full power of utterance had failed am the resurrection and the life," &c.; and "Blessed and holy is he that hath part in the first resurrection," &c.

For Friends' Review.
LIFE OF THOMAS FOWELL BUXTON.

(Continued from page 807.)

cannot determine how far the subsequent action of Governor Bentick was influenced by the representations of Buxton, and by the documents which he placed in his hands; but the latter had the satisfaction to learn, that the new Governor, soon after his arrival in India, abolished the Suttee practice at a single blow. Thus one object of his parliamentary labour was attained without the intervention of parliament.

We have seen that Thomas Fowell Buxton, soon after he entered the House of Commons, took an active part in procuring a melioration of the penal code. This was one of the subjects recommended to his attention, by the letter from his brother-in-law, to which reference has been The ability and energy displayed by the subheretofore made. Not long afterwards, he ob- ject of this memoir, in the discussion of capital tained from a Baptist missionary, who had re- punishments, seems to have fixed on him the cently returned from India, an account of the particular attention of Wilberforce, as an eligible immolation of widows in that country. Proba- partner and successor in the cause to which he bly few of our readers require to be informed had devoted a large part of his life. Upwards that for time immemorial the practice has pre- of thirty-three years had then elapsed since that vailed in India of burning the bodies of the men distinguished statesman commenced his labours, in of note, and consuming on the same pyre one of the House of Commons, for the extinction of the the wives of the deceased. Having collected a slave-trade. In those days he was accustomed large mass of information on the subject, he to rely upon the aid of his friend William Pitt, determined to bring the case before parliament; whose commanding eloquence was never withand in the year 1821 he made two motions in held from this righteous cause. And it is no relation to it, the exact purport of which is not more than justice to the character of Pitt, whose explained. In his speech on the second occa- sincerity in regard to the abolition of the African sion he proved, that within the four preceding slave-trade was much questioned at the time, years, in the Presidency of Fort William alone, and has been denied in some recent publications, two thousand three hundred and sixty-six to observe that he was the personal friend of widows had been committed to the flames. This Wilberforce, and stood pledged to support the cruel martyrdom, it may be observed, has been cause, when the great champion of African rights, usually represented as voluntary on the part of was prevented by indisposition from attending the sufferers, under a mistaken notion of piety: to his parliamentary duties: that whenever the but he was able to show that the sacrifice was subject was brought into the House of Commons, generally forced upon the unhappy widow, either he never failed to support the efforts of his friend by superstitious priests or interested relatives. by arguments which none but the highest order It was found that the French, Dutch and other of intellect could wield, and which none but a European powers, having possessions in India, decided advocate would have offered; and that had abolished the custom within their territories; Clarkson, whose fidelity was above suspicion, while the stigma of its continuance still rested and whose penetration will hardly be questioned, on the British Government. But as this subject always considered the Chancellor of the Exwas considered as falling within the province of chequer as a zealous supporter of the abolition. the India House, rather than the House of Com-But Pitt was numbered with the dead while mons, several years were allowed to pass away before anything of importance was accomplished. If the authority of Parliament is as great as it is usually represented, certainly very little hesitation could be needful, when such an abominable practice was known to exist within the precincts of British power.

Whatever technical difficulties presented, the subject does not appear to have been forgotten or neglected by Buxton, for when, in 1827, he heard that Lord William Bentick was appointed Governor General of India, he immediately repaired to his residence, to confer with him respecting it, and to urge him to employ his authority for the abolition of this atrocious practice. We find from a letter addressed to that nobleman, soon after this interview, that he had previously exerted his influence with one who had at a former day been expected to occupy a similar station there, and had procured from him an assurance that his utmost efforts should be employed for the extinction of the custom. We

Buxton was pursuing his studies at the University of Dublin; and Wilberforce had now reached the evening of his days. Although the British Parliament had withdrawn its sanction from the African slave-trade, still the victims, and the descendants of the victims of that traffic, were retained in slavery within the colonial possessions of Great Britain; and Wilberforce had been long anxious to bring the condition of these slaves under the notice of parliament, and to put in operation the most judicious means for advancing their social and moral improvement, and raising them to the position of freemen. As this was justly apprehended to be the work of time, he naturally turned his attention towards an auxiliary, who might prove an efficient successor, in case of his retiring from public life, or being in any way incapacitated for prosecuting the enterprise. He had for some time been looking toward Buxton in that connection, and the energy manifested in the question of capital punishments put an end to his hesitation, so that he addressed

a letter to him on the following day, urging him | to take into his serious consideration the expediency of devoting himself to that cause, as far as he could, consistently with the proper discharge of the obligations already incurred.

The suggestion of Wilberforce was one of a number of causes which united to fix the attention of Buxton, on the subject which for several years constituted the object and business of his life. His aversion to slavery and the slavetrade, was in some measure hereditary-having received from his mother, in early life, a strong impression of the iniquity of the system; and to this circumstance may perhaps be attributed the fact, formerly noticed, that his first speech on entering college, was on the subject of the slavetrade, the abolition of that traffic being near that time brought afresh under discussion in the British Parliament, but the result was still undetermined. His attention to this subject upon his first entering Parliament, had been solicited by a letter from his brother-in-law, William Forster, the husband of his sister Anna, whose abstinence from slave-grown sugar has been already noticed. In that letter W. Forster observed that the exertions of the wise and good, had, under the Divine blessing, been directed, with considerable success, towards staying the progress of evil, by the abolition of the slave-trade; but that it was then time to turn the mind of the British public to the situation of those in actual slavery.

Another circumstance is noted, which made a strong impression on his sensitive mind. Priscilla Gurney, his wife's youngest sister, to whom he was particularly attached, and who was worthy of his affection, finished her course near this time. During her illness, she repeatedly urged him to make the cause and condition of the slaves the first object of his life, as she felt nothing so heavy on her heart as their sufferings; and two or three days before she died, she sent for him, as desiring to speak to him on a subject of importance. The moment she began to speak, a convulsive cough came on, which continued amidst persevering endeavours to make herself understood, until her strength was exhausted. She then pressed his hand and said, "The poor dear slaves." The object of her solicitude was of course readily comprehended. He had previously to this time become a member of the African Institution; and though that association devoted its attention chiefly, if not exclusively, to the slave-trade, its connection with slavery itself could not fail to direct the reflections of its members to the subject.

Notwithstanding the powerful influence which these circumstances must have exercised, more than a year was permitted to elapse after the receipt of Wilberforce's letter, before he concluded to engage in the arduous enterprise of emancipating all the slaves in the British islands. One principal cause of hesitation is stated to have been the fear, that the discussion of the

subject in England might lead to a servile insurrection in the West Indies. It must be well known to those who are acquainted with the history of the proceedings in the British parliament, in relation to the African slave-trade, that the opponents of the abolition were often predicting insurrections, conflagrations and massacres in the islands, as the consequence of discussing in parliament the question, whether the traffic should be suppressed or continued. Whenever a puny rebellion could be got up among the slaves, it was immediately charged upon the agitation of this subject in Parliament. Even the convulsions in Haiti were attributed, by the advocates of the trade, to the same inadequate and irrelevant cause. When the law for the abolition of the slave-trade was at length enacted, and all the gloomy predictions of ruin and servile war, as the consequence, were given to the winds, it was easy and natural for the advocates of slavery to transfer these frightful, but hackneyed predictions, to the emancipation of the slaves. When it was proved by experience, that the negroes in the British islands would not rise in rebellion and murder their masters, merely because the parliament had prohibited the seizure and transportation of the natives of their fatherland, to share with them the blessings of slavery, it was predicted that their emancipation must be productive of convulsions and civil wars. Even in our own country we sometimes hear similar suggestions, as if the negró was such an anomaly in creation, as to rush into rebellion, because the government had granted him the object of his highest ambition.

Whether these absurd predictions actually produced a fear of their fulfilment in the mind of Buxton, they evidently led to a careful examination of the subject, and a consequent conviction of their fallacy. In these reflections he did not fail to observe how often insurrections had been foretold by the West Indians, and how totally they had failed.

In the autumn of 1822, Wilberforce and Macauley spent some weeks at Cromer Hall, T. F. Buxton's residence, for the purpose of discussing the question with him, and with Dr. Lushington and Lord Suffield; and there was drawn the outline of the plans, on which they afterwards respectively acted.

A striking trait in the character of Buxton, as has been frequently intimated, was his indefati gable industry. Whatever he undertook was pursued with an ardour which was not to be restrained; and when about to engage in an enterprise, which, if successful, must change the face of the British West Indies; essentially modify the property of a large class of capitalists, and transmute nearly 800,000 slaves into freemen, it was to be expected that he would examine the subject in all its relations, and make himself master of all the arguments which could be brought to bear on the questions involved in the

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