-Penn on the Delaware, 382-The Great Treaty with the Indians, 383-Or- ganization of the Government, 386-Penn and Baltimore, 387-Philadelphia, 389-Constitutions established, 390-Trial for Witchcraft, 393-Progress, 394 -Penn's Farewell, 395-Boundary with Maryland, 396-Penn in England, 397-His Fame-His Fortunes, 400-Quaker Legislation, 401-Indian Alarm, Andros in New York, 405-Claims Connecticut, 406-Character of James II., 407-His Colonial Policy, 408-New York discontented, 409-East New Jer- sey, 410-Cause of the Emigration of Scottish Presbyterians, 411-No Per- secution in New Jersey, 414-Free Trade in New York, 415-Charter of Liberties, 416-The Five Nations, 417-Their Wars with other Tribes, 418- with the French, 419-Treaty at Albany, 420-War with the French, 423— Policy of Louis XIV., 424-Magnanimity of the Onondagas, 425–War revived, 426-Treaty for New England-Dudley, Andros, 427-Tyranny, 428 -John Wise resists, 429-Rhode Island, 431-Connecticut, 432-Consolida- tion, 433-England, Clarendon's Ministry, 434—The Cabal, 435-Shaftesbury, 436-Danby, 437-Shaftesbury, 438-Reaction, 440-James II., 441-Baxter, 442-The Tories, the Whigs, 443-Penn's Party, 444-The Revolution of 1688, 445-Revolution in Massachusetts, 447-Plymouth, Rhode Island, 449— Connecticut, New York, 450-Absolute Sovereignty of Parliament, 451. Population of the twelve oldest States in 1688, 452-Elements of the Country -A free People, 453-An Anglo-Saxon People-Character of the Virginians, 454-A Christian People, 455-A Protestant People-Political Character of Protestantism-Christianity originally an Enfranchisement-Origin of the Political Influence of the Seven Sacraments-The exclusive Sacraments found a spiritual Tyranny, 456-Imperfect Resistance from Scholastic Theologians; from Sensualists; from the feudal Aristocracy; from Monarchs; from Schol- ars, 457-Wickliffe appeals to the People-John Huss, 458-Luther and Lu- theranism, 459-Anabaptists-Calvin, 461-Political Mission of Calvinism- Calvinism revolutionized the English World, 462-Calvinism and Massachu- setts, 463-Progress in New England-Connecticut, 464-Rhode Island-The Quakers-Coincidence of Quakers and Descartes, 465-America struggles for Universality-Influence on the Red Man-on the Black Man, 466- COLONIAL HISTORY. CHAPTER XI. THE RESTORATION OF THE STUARTS. XI. THE principles that should prevail in the adminis- CHAP tration of the American colonies, always formed a dividing question between the political parties in Eng- 1660 land. The restoration of the legitimate dynasty was attended by a corresponding change in colonial policy. The revolution, which was now come to its end, had been in its origin a democratic revolution, and had apparently succeeded in none of its ultimate purposes. In the gradual progress of civilization, the power of the feudal aristocracy had been broken by the increased authority of the monarch; and the people, now beginning to claim the lead in the progress of humanity, prepared to contend for equality against privilege, as well as for freedom against prerogative. The contest failed for a season, because too much was at once attempted. Immediate emancipation from the decaying institutions of the past was impossible; hereditary inequalities were themselves endeared to the nation, from a love for the beneficent institutions with which close union had identified them; the mass of the people was still buried in the inactivity of listless ignorance; even for the strongest minds, public experience had not yet generated the principles by which XI. CHAP. a reconstruction of the government on a popular basis could have been safely undertaken; and thus the democratic revolution in England was a failure, alike from the events and passions of the fierce struggle which rendered moderation impossible, and from the misfortune of the age, which had not as yet acquired the political knowledge that time alone could gather for the use of later generations. 1629 to 1640. 6. Charles I., conspiring against the national constitution, which he, as the most favored as the most favored among the natives of England, was the most solemnly bound to protect, had resolved to govern without the aid of a parliament. To convene a parliament was, therefore, in itself, an 1640, acknowledgment of defeat. The house of commons, April which assembled in April, 1640, was filled with men not less loyal to the monarch than faithful to the people; yet the king, who had neither the resignation of wise resolution, nor yet the daring of despair, perpetually vacillating between the desire of destroying English liberty, and a timid respect for its forms, disregarded the wishes of his more prudent friends, and, under the influence of capricious passion, suddenly May dissolved a parliament more favorable to his interests. 5. than any which he could again hope from the excite ment of the times. The friends of the popular party were elated at the dissolution. "This parliament could have remedied the confusion," said the royalist Hyde, afterwards earl of Clarendon, to St. John. The countenance of the sombre republican, usually clouded with gloom, beamed with cheerfulness as he replied, "All is well; things must be worse before they can be better; this parliament could never have done what is necessary to be done.”1 1 Clarendon, i. 140. XI. The exercise of absolute power was become more CHAP. difficult than ever. The haughty Strafford had advised violent counsels. There were those who refused 1640. to take the oath never to consent to alterations in the church of England. "Send for the chief leaders," wrote Strafford, "and lay them by the heels; no other satisfaction is to be thought of." But Strafford was not without his enemies among the royalists. During the suspension of parliament, two parties in the cabinet had disputed with each other the administration and the emoluments of despotism. The power of the ministers and the council of state was envied by the ambition of the queen and the greedy selfishness of the courtiers; and the arrogant Strafford and the unbending Laud had as bitter rivals in the palace as they had enemies in the nation. There was no unity among the friends of absolute power. 24. The expedient of a council of peers, convened at Sept. York, could not satisfy a people that venerated representative government as the most valuable bequest of its ancestors; and a few weeks made it evident that concession was necessary. The councils of Charles were divided by hesitancy, rivalries, and the want of plan; while the popular leaders were full of energy and union, and were animated by what seemed a distinct purpose, the desire of limiting the royal authority. The summons of a new parliament was now on the part of the monarch a surrender at discretion. But by the English constitution, the royal prerogative was in some cases the bulwark of popular liberty; the subversion of the royal authority made a way for the despotism of parliament. 1 Strafford's Letters, ii. 409. April 10, 1640. CHAP. Nov. neous. The Long Parliament was not originally homogeThe usurpations of the monarch threatened 1640. the privileges of the nobility not less than the liberties 3. of the people. The movement in the public mind, though it derived its vigor as well as its origin from the rising influence of the Puritans, was not directed towards vindicating power for the people, but only aimed at raising an impassable barrier against the encroachments of royalty. The object met with favor from a majority of the peerage, and from royalists among the commons; and the past arbitrary measures of the court found opponents in Hyde, the inflexible tory and faithful counsellor of the Stuarts; in the more scrupulous Falkland, who hated falsehood and intrigue, and whose imagination inclined him to the popular side, till he began to dread innovations from its leaders more than from the ambition of the king; and even in Capel, afterwards one of the bravest of the Cavaliers, and a martyr on the scaffold for his obstinate fidelity. The highest authority in England began to belong to the majority in parliament; no republican party as yet existed; the first division ensued between the ultra royalists and the vast undivided party of the friends of constitutional monarchy; and though the house was in a great measure filled with members of the aristocracy, the moderate royalists were united with the friends of the people; and, on the choice of speaker, an immense majority appeared in favor of the constitution. The sagacity of the earl of Strafford anticipated danger, and he desired to remain in Ireland. "As I am king of England," said Charles, "the parliament shall not touch one hair of your head;" and the re 1 Whitelocke, 36. |