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con in methods of production so extremely

25 years that it amounts to an absolute

and of the division of the wealth prowiked a revolution. One purpose of this

I division of the available employment. ment and we think of unemployment as o us since 1929. Studies have been made, and the resultant statistics make it very army of unemployed was being created, while the volume of production increased e volume of employment was being steadSully examined the statistical reports and

of the Census, of the Bureau of Mines, antistics of the Department of Labor, and mmerce, and the statistics which I desire Licee have all been carefully verified by

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means, of course, that the productivity of

during that period, does it not? ume of workers employed in the manuthat includes mining, and in railroad sing, and approximately 2,000,000 less ved in agriculture, manufacturing, and w in 1921, although in 1929 the number er miles hauled were enormously greater

farm products was much greater, and the cturing establishments had enormously

Uly you did not understand me. It follows oducing more over that period.

was producing more over that period. kad greatly increased. I have statistics o over them briefly. u concur in the statement made by Mr. erday that the production per man has

alvin comes into my office frequently and statistics, and I presume he went over those misunderstood my interpretation of them. wledge of the increased per capita output of depression began. There is a knowledge of

some establishments and in some industries, an approximation. Conferences I have had eers, economists, and from the little data I

ent--the Government has not collected much dicate that in some industries the per capita approximately 25 per cent since 1929. In some

it has increased a great deal more than that ncreased less. abject I will give you statistics for the mining e taken from the reports of the Bureau of Mines. ve 622,000 bituminous miners; in 1929 there were is miners. In 1919 there were 155,000 anthracite work week could not be adopted successfully as a permanent polic on account of the nature of the business carried on.

6. It is an unconstitutional, unjust, and unwarrantable regulatic of private manufacturing. The Constitution gives to Congress tl power to regulate commerce among the several States. To say th the Connery bill is a regulation of commerce itself in manufactur HU goods between the various States, and not a regulation of the bus ness operations incident to the manufacturing of the goods carri on within the States themselves, is to give no interpretation of t true facts.

The Federal Government has not been given the constitution right to determine the hours and wages that are to be put into effe in private industry. In fact it goes beyond the constitutional rig of even the individual States themselves to regulate, generally spea ing, the hours and wages of people working in private manufactrex this ing lines. However, under our Constitution, governmental system if this right, which is questionable, were to be given to any of o governments, it certainly should be considered as a regulation subject matter within the limits of the State under the State pols IP HO power of the various States.

For these reasons which have been outlined above, we believe ti proposed measure would prove vastly more harmful than benefic an. as a means of alleviating unemployment in the United States.

sa to be The CHAIRMAN. The committee stands adjourned, to meet morrow morning at 10 o'clock.

(The pon, at 12.05 o'clock p. m., Wednesday, January 25, 1996 in the committee adjourned, to meet at 10 o'clock a. m., Thursde sí empl January 26, 1933.)

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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

COMMITTEE ON LABOR, tional

Washington, D. C. The committee this day met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. William P. ntal stannery, jr., chairman, presiding, for further consideration of

R. 14105.

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ATEMENT OF HON. JAMES M. FITZPATRICK, A REPRESENTA. State

TIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK believe

the CHAIRMAN. The committee will please be in order; and the

twitness to be heard this morning is Mr. Fitzpatrick of New ites.

ork.

Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Chairman and gentleman of the committee, v 23.1 heartily in sympathy with the proposed legislation to reduce

m

hours of employment, which I believe is the only solution of the Thurs

employment problem in our country. I have been advocating

work hours for many years, and in the Seventy-first Congress introduced a bill to shorten the hours of all Federal employees. During the last 25 or 30 years we have had great inventions of chinery, mass production and efficiency which are responsible for ing off millions of working people throughout the country. Big business has taken advantage of the machine age, which they då perfect right to do under our form of government; on the her hand the country failed to meet the machine age by enacting ws to reduce the hours of labor. I have stated on many occasions at we will never have this problem solved by voluntary distribuan of labor by capitalists, as the competition is so keen in our untry that it is not practicable for one man to volunteer to cut own the hours of labor while his neighbor would continue work

his employees a greater number of hours. Therefore, I beve it is necessary to enact mandatory legislation so as to to compel I employers of labor to comply with the proper distribution of bor. It has been suggested that it might be advisable to do away ith some of the machines. With that I do not agree, as. I am a reat believer in machinery, provided the working people receive eir share of the benefits. While I realize the Federal Government not enact laws to regulate the hours of labor throughout the

would, however, favor a law prohibiting any

orten the hours from shipping its goods into I a law to shorten the number of working

erents

work week could not be adopted successfully as a permanent policy on account of the nature of the business carried on.

6. It is an unconstitutional, unjust, and unwarrantable regulation of private manufacturing. The Constitution gives to Congress the power to regulate commerce among the several States. To say that the Connery bill is a regulation of commerce itself in manufactured goods between the various States, and not a regulation of the business operations incident to the manufacturing of the goods carried on within the States themselves, is to give no interpretation of the true facts.

The Federal Government has not been given the constitutional right to determine the hours and wages that are to be put into effect in private industry. In fact it goes beyond the constitutional right of even the individual States themselves to regulate, generally speaking, the hours and wages of people working in private manufacturing lines. However, under our Constitution, governmental system, if this right, which is questionable, were to be given to any of our governments, it certainly should be considered as a regulation of subject matter within the limits of the State under the State police power of the various States.

For these reasons which have been outlined above, we believe this proposed measure would prove vastly more harmful than beneficial as a means of alleviating unemployment in the United States.

The CHAIRMAN. The committee stands adjourned, to meet tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock.

(Thereupon, at 12.05 o'clock p. m., Wednesday, January 25, 1933, the committee adjourned, to meet at 10 o'clock a. m., Thursday, January 26, 1933.)

SIX-HOUR DAY-FIVE-DAY WEEK

THURSDAY, JANUARY 26, 1933

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

COMMITTEE ON LABOR,

Washington, D. C. The committee this day met at 10 o'clock a. m., Hon. William P. Connery, jr., chairman, presiding, for further consideration of H. R. 14105.

STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES M. FITZPATRICK, A REPRESENTA.

TIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

The CHAIRMAN. The committee will please be in order; and the first witness to be heard this morning is Mr. Fitzpatrick of New York.

Mr. FITZPATRICK. Mr. Chairman and gentleman of the committee, I am heartily in sympathy with the proposed legislation to reduce the hours of employment, which I believe is the only solution of the unemployment problem in our country. I have been advocating less work hours for many years, and in the Seventy-first Congress I introduced a bill to shorten the hours of all Federal employees.

During the last 25 or 30 years we have had great inventions of machinery, mass production and efficiency which are responsible for laying off millions of working people throughout the country.

Big business has taken advantage of the machine age, which they had a perfect right to do under our form of government; on the other hand the country failed to meet the machine age by enacting laws to reduce the hours of labor. I have stated on many occasions that we will never have this problem solved by voluntary distribution of labor by capitalists, as the competition is so keen in our country that it is not practicable for one man to volunteer to cut down the hours of labor while his neighbor would continue working his employees a greater number of hours. Therefore, I believe it is necessary to enact mandatory legislation so as to to compel all employers of labor to comply with the proper distribution of labor. It has been suggested that it might be advisable to do away with some of the machines. With that I do not agree, as I am a great believer in machinery, provided the working people receive their share of the benefits. While I realize the Federal Government can not enact laws to regulate the hours of labor throughout the different States, I would, however, favor a law prohibiting any State which fails to shorten the hours from shipping its goods into a State that has passed a law to shorten the number of working

hours.

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