purpose. This is also true in some measure of standardized courses in economics and sociology. They fall short in direct application to current problems. These defects are, however, being remedied in some of the latest textbooks in social science. In civics emphasis is being transferred from the structure of government to its present-day functions; in economics the older theories are being revised to fit the ideals and the necessary practices of a social democracy; in sociology speculations concerning the origin of social institutions and customs are giving place to discussion of present-day social problems. In so far as these social-science courses are thus transformed they may be regarded as contributing toward a plan of direct instruction in citizenship.

In past generations ideas of individual rights have been more imprest upon American minds than have considerations of social obligations; but a youth does not fully sense his larger social obligations without systematic effort to develop the foundations of this sense. These foundations are laid in an intelligent understanding of the communal nature of civilization, of the benefits that come to each thru the efforts of all, and the corresponding obligations of each to all. This, from a purely humanitarian standpoint, is the basis of universal brotherhood and of the internationalism that is already a partly realized fact. America as a nation has transcended nationalism in the narrower sense in that it has harmonized purely national aims with the larger purposes of humanity. Before the youth leaves high school he should have a clear comprehension of the meaning of these facts, of the principles upon which they are based, and of the goal toward which they point. He should know how to be a consistent, loyal American without being disloyal to humanity, and to be loyal to humanity without being disloyal to America.

In matters of domestic policy he should know what great national problems have to be solved. He should know the principles involved in such public questions as: the conservation of our natural resources and the equitable distribution of the benefits of these resources; the public ownership or public control of railroads and other means of communication and commerce; the regulation of the prices of commodities necessary to the public welfare; regulation of the conditions of labor and safeguarding the standards of living among workingmen; protecting the rights of children; and providing, as nearly as may be, equal opportunity of development to all. This type of study should be part of the education of every American youth. It may be made a course of study in every high school, a part of the training for citizenship under the Smith-Hughes bill, and a part of the continuation-school work for youths between sixteen and twenty years of age.

The carrying out of such a program of universal secondary education requires large public expenditures. This in turn calls for increast taxation or raising of larger revenues thru rental of natural resources or operation of public utilities. It means to make more extensive public use of natural

resources-the common heritage of the nation-and to tax more heavily the great private fortunes that have already been made from the use of these resources and from private ownership of socially made values. The necessity and the justice of taxing incomes and inheritances and the practical limitations of the taxing power are problems that, in principle at least, should be clear to every graduate of our high schools. The high-school graduate should not be fooled by the cheap cry of a candidate for office that, if elected, he will reduce taxes. He should be able to see clearly the relation between taxation and the benefits of public expenditures, and to know that the greatest economy sometimes involves increasing public expenditures, and that the opportunities of the many are extended thru providing greater public benefits with diminisht private expense.

Every restatement of economic and social theory and every change in political practice must be judged in the light of principles more comprehensive than those of any one science now commonly taught in high schools. There must be developt in the mind of the youth a grasp of the fundamental principles of social ethics by which he may coordinate and regulate his varied, complex obligations-his duties to family, to the state, and to humanity at large. He must know the limitations of the rights of property and the relation of property rights to the rights of persons. He must be able to see how a policy applied in a new country with scant population and boundless resources cannot be applied in twentieth-century America without violence to the fundamental rights of man and without retardation of social progress.

By suggesting a plan of instruction in citizenship we do not mean to neglect any other agency in citizen-making, e.g., cultivating the feelings, training in social habits, etc., but these alone are inadequate. Feeling must be guided by understanding and habits adjusted to new conditions in agreement with fundamental principles.

In order that every high-school student may be properly introduced to the current problems of citizenship it has been suggested that a course be offered introductory to the social sciences-a course that shall disregard the traditional boundaries between civics, economics, and sociology. As in the field of natural science courses are now offered under the name of general or introductory science, so in the field of social science practical needs and future development can best be served by direct attack upon problems of greatest interest and practical value. These varied problems in the field of social science can well be coordinated and unified thru the ethical principles by which all social problems must be solved and social practices approved or disapproved.

Social ethics must, of necessity, draw upon the whole field of the social sciences for its facts and illustrations of principles; it is therefore eminently adapted to the purpose here sought. Furthermore it will provide American youth in the schools in a systematic way with a standard of judging values other than that of that of the American dollar.

DISCUSSION

H. B. WILSON, superintendent of schools, Topeka, Kans.-As I expected from an acquaintanceship with his textbook on citizenship I find myself in substantial agreement with Dean Bennion's paper thruout. Even in normal routine times there are many duties and responsibilities which students in the cities represented here may and should carry. Some provision should be made for enlisting their aggressive cooperation with the sanitary measures instituted by the city commission or its health department. In many cities the burden of the periodic clean-up-week campaign is carried by students of the public schools. Provision is also made for following up such work thru the organization of the students into a sanitary commission. Many cities have permanent plans for the promotion of paper saving. It is quite common for the burden of work in efforts to beautify and render attractive the city to be carried on by students in the city schools. In a number of schools the students in the civics and chemistry classes have cooperated with the city health department in the inspection of the city milk supply. Likewise the chemistry students in many high schools test the fuel value of the coal purchast for the city and the schools. All these experiences afford excellent training for the students in the responsibilities of citizenship. The number of things they may do is almost countless, particularly in these strenuous days of war, and no commercial club or society clique should be allowed to withhold such opportunities for service from our students without suffering the imposition of a severe penalty. In order that the great world-crisis, with all that it means, may be brought home to our students in conduct-influencing ways it is essential that they have actual experiences in doing war work. It has been found that high-school students are just as capable of taking signatures in the Food Conservation registration as are other people. They can do certain types of Red Cross work just as accurately and reliably as older people. They were just as effective in securing memberships during the Red Cross membership campaign. They have done more in selling Thrift Stamps and baby bonds than the mature citizens have in most communities. No more fundamental way of bringing actual training in the duties and responsibilities of citizenship could be found than these activities in helping to win the war.

That there may be developt in students the requisite ability for exercising wisely the freedom and initiative which is every citizen's right in a democracy, and that there may be a larger basis for appreciating the responsibilities of citizenship in our democracy, I feel that we must make more definite provision than in the past for insuring that our students shall come to appreciate thru their study of history and civics the genius of American democracy and the rights, privileges, and opportunities which every citizen is guaranteed thereunder. What we must bear in mind is that in a democracy the sovereign will is the will of the people. Decisions may be made by our executives and legislators and programs may be put into effect only if these decisions and programs represent the consensus of opinion and judgment of the people whom they represent and for whom they act. Since the setting up of policies and the discharge of these policies are dependent upon the thinking and cooperation of all the people, it becomes evident that the school must plan its program of work so as to educate all the people according to the requirements of truth and fairness and a proper sense of values. If these ends are to be accomplisht, recent events and investigations seem to indicate strongly that our histories must be rewritten in the interest of presenting adequately and fairly the truth regarding all questions and issues discust. The account at all points must be as fair, so far as is possible with present knowledge, to other nations involved as to our own. The creation of unjustifiable prejudices in favor of, or against, England, France, Mexico, Spain, or other nations must be avoided. The story of the Civil War must be so presented as to represent truly and fairly the objects and motives as well as the successes and failures of both sides to the conflict.

In the second place, the emphasis both in our texts and in our teaching must be such as to support as strongly as possible the maintenance, improvement, and perpetuation of

our American ideals and institutions. Mere traditions, interesting incidents, or even battles and military heroes must not be presented on a par with situations causing struggles and the victories and advances resulting from successful struggles. From this time forward we shall certainly modify our attack in the matter of emphasis in such fashion as to teach more adequately and thoroly than in the past the peculiar and characteristic genius of American institutions and the permanent and outstanding assets of our democracy. Not only must we present these matters positively as in the past, showing what democracy's assets are and how we came by them, but also negatively, that the advantages of democracy's institutions may be imprest more forcibly when studied in contrast with autocracy's governmental institutions and with the limited privileges and rights of people living under them.

Even our positive attack needs to be enlivened and vitalized. It has lackt enthusiasm and has had little effect upon our students except to equip them with a certain body of academic information in which they have had merely a passive interest. Our students have not gone from their study of the growth and development of American institutions tingling with enthusiasm over our priceless heritage and, by reason of their growing appreciation, spurred on with high ambitions for the advancement and perpetuation of our democratic institutions. Rather they have gone from their study with an attitude suggesting that they felt that the fine freedom and privileges under our democracy were forever guaranteed-that since they were enjoying them without themselves having had to sacrifice for them they had always existed so and would continue so forever. Our positive attack must be so improved and enricht as to change this passive, indifferent attitude into a virile, aggressive appreciation of our great heritage and into a positive determination not only not to countenance or tolerate any encroachment upon our democratic institutions, but to lose no opportunity to work for their constant strengthening and improvement.

Nor must we be satisfied with this improved positive attack. We must enrich the effects it may be expected to produce by showing the disadvantages, the hampering effects of autocratic governments. In teaching the causes of America's entrance into the Great War our students must understand clearly that we became a participant, not merely to protect our property and our lives and to preserve our honor, but also to prevent the substitution by German force of autocratic forms of government for our free democratic institutions. In this connection our students must understand concretely such matters as Germany's mock system of representative government, her unequal franchise system in which the influence a citizen's ballot exercises is based upon his financial standing, her social caste system, with particular emphasis upon the haughty arrogance and insulting cruelty of the military class, and especially her teachings, ideals, and philosophy, which foster and fasten upon her citizens the mediaeval governmental system under which they live.

Only by this double attack may we expect to succeed in equipping the American people so that they may know and feel in their inmost souls that our democracy is a pearl without price. Such a basis for decision and action should in any time of danger cause our citizens to rise as one man to defend with their backs to the wall any encroachment upon our free institutions and the rights guaranteed thereby. Such a response in a democracy, not being the result of blind, automatic obedience to duty, as in an autocracy, but a response based upon well-founded appreciations with reference to American institutions and deep-seated prejudices against the hampering effects of autocratic governments, would launch a defense with such speed and momentum and it would be supported thruout by such lofty humanitarian motives as to render our efforts irresistible.

As has been pointed out above, our need is such texts and teaching as will guarantee greater and truer intelligence as a basis for action. We must teach the American youth the foundations of their liberty, acquaint them with the storms which for centuries raged around the building of those foundations, and familiarize them with the sacrifice and

suffering incident to their establishment. With such a background of information our citizens would appreciate more fully the stirring words of Washington when he said, "American freedom is at stake; it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we derived from our ancestors."

Our citizens must genuinely realize that by the winning of our independence and by succeeding struggles the thirteen colonies were made safe for democracy; and that by the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 and its successful defense since the American continents were made safe for democracy. At the conclusion of the Great War we confidently expect to be able to say that, by reason of the united efforts of the democracies of the world against the combined forces of the autocratic governments of the world, the entire world has been made safe for democracy.

D. THRIFT IN RELATION TO PUBLIC SCHOOLS LAURA M. SMITH, SUPERVISOR OF ELEMENTARY GRADES, ATLANTA, GA. I have been askt to speak to you on the National War Savings campaign in its relation to the public schools, and more especially of the plans we are using in the Atlanta schools in cooperating with the National War Savings Committee. I feel some hesitancy in describing a plan which as yet has had a trial of only four weeks. However, I shall try to assume the attitude of mind shown by the negro soldier on the eve of his departure for France, who, when askt by a civilian friend, "Whar is you-all gwine?" replied, "Hush, nigger, I ain't gwine no whar, 'Ise bein' sent. Ain't no time to talk about gwine when de government's got yer!"

Some months ago the Secretary of the Treasury made the statement that the greatest immediate service the American people can render in this war for world-liberty is to furnish the means for its vigorous prosecution. More than eight billions have already been raised for this purpose. Recently, as you know, the Treasury Department has undertaken to raise an additional two billions thru the sale of War Savings Stamps, and to this end a National War Savings Committee has been appointed with Mr. Frank Vanderlip as chairman and a director of war-savings work selected for each state. Within less than three months the "Thrift" campaign has been launcht in every state in the Union.

What is the meaning of this movement to you? Viewed from the standpoint of dollars and cents it means merely a successful plan on the part of the government to raise money for the prosecution of the war. But to those who study it from the standpoint of education the thrift campaign means infinitely more than this. If it did not it would scarcely deserve the attention of a body like this. It is meaning more to the Atlanta schools than the raising of money. It is meaning education in patriotism, service, forethought, and self-control for the children of Atlanta. This war-savings plan has given each child in the schools a chance to help the government, and because of this fact the war has become "our war" and each of us feels personally responsible "for making the world safe for democracy." There is no doubt in the minds of the children of Atlanta as to the final outcome