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highest degree possible and probable, that in those parishes it will be proposed that the churches thus made vacant, shall be given for the use of the Roman Catholics of the district; and I fearlessly assert that I shall consider it a violation of the fundamental principles of our Constitution, if one single steeple or church tower in Ireland, shall be given for the use of the Roman Catholics.' *-pp. 16, 17.

Such then is the present position of this great question. We look upon it as settled so far as ministerial intention is concerned. This is the conviction of all impartial men, friends or foes, dissenters or churchmen, whatever may be pleaded on behalf of a truculent or vacillating policy. 'We have,' says the Address of the Scottish Board of Dissenters, which has just come to hand, in near, and if we do not bestir ourselves, in certain prospect, the endowment of popery in Ireland. The leaders of the two great parties in parliament have united in commending this course, and there can be no question that a large majority in the present House of Commons are disposed to aid in the prosecution of it; so that nothing but the strong and declared opposition of the constituency can long avert the infliction. Lord John Russell, accordingly, while he acknowledges that the public mind is inadequately prepared for such a policy, explicitly avows that he defers it with manifest reluctance, and holds out the hope that, before many years shall have elapsed, it will be more favourably regarded.'

Against this all but universal belief it is urged by some that our judgment is precipitate. The government, it is alleged, has not yet avowed the design, and it is, therefore, neither generous nor just to charge them with it. It is marvellous how far the credulity of some men will carry them. We pity their folly, but must decline to follow them as guides. If ever coming events cast their shadows before them, these shadows are distinctly visible in the present case, and Lord Russell and his associates must smile at our simplicity, if we fail to be forewarned. The measure to be anticipated, at least in the first instance, is not, technically speaking, a provision by the state:

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We are glad to find that some of the most objectionable passages attributed to Sir Culling Smith by the newspaper press, are not to be found in the corrected reports of his speeches contained in the pamphlet before We hope they were not uttered, or that if uttered, they have been on reflection discarded. We greatly honour his integrity of purpose, and the gentlemanly bearing which he observed towards his opponent. Truth, however, compels us to say, that we dissent from much of his reasoning. We do not attach the importance which he evidently does to the distinction between an annual grant and the present state of the Maynooth endowment, and are bound to disclaim all sympathy with his views on the State conscience. In his correspondence with the Lord Provost, he appears to great advantage. It is marvellous, that the latter should deem his conduct consistent with the profession of independency.

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and here we apprehend is the mean evasion, the unprincipled subterfuge, of which some will take advantage. A readjustment, or, as it will probably be termed, a more equal distribution of church property, is the measure to be first apprehended. The eight millions it will be urged are entitled to share the revenues now restricted to the eight hundred thousand; and parishes will be referred to in which no Protestant worship is maintained, and the inquiry be boldly put, 'Is it to be borne, is it consistent with the lowest standard of right that, in such cases, a Protestant incumbent, a mere hireling, a sinecurist, an absentee, should continue to receive the ecclesiastical revenue?' To all such queries we fearlessly answer, 'No: but what then?' Have we conceded the wisdom and justice of handing over such revenues to the Romanist church? By no means. The property in question, termed for purposes of popular delusion, church property, belongs as really to the state, and is as subject to its controul, as the proceeds of the taxes, or any other portion of the public revenue. There is, therefore, no difference, so far as principle is concerned, between the application of this kind of property, and that of any other, to the endowment of the Romanist priesthood. The ecclesiastical revenues of Ireland belong to the nation, and may rightfully be employed, as they verily ought to be, to diminish its burdens. But the Catholics, it may he urged, are the great majority, and the appropriation of church property to their good, may so far be termed national. To this we reply, that such appropriation is without the province of government, and cannot be effected without hazarding much greater evil than it can compass good. And further, the property in question being national, belongs to the minority as well as to the majority. The Protestants have an interest in it equally with the Catholics, and to assign it therefore to the latter, in any degree, is to inflict on the former a similar wrong to that of which the Romanists now so justly complain. The joint interest which the two parties possess, forbids the appropriation to any other than mutually advantageous purposes. will statesmen learn that to do justice is to relieve themselves from perplexity, and to secure the largest good to the people they govern? Let, then, the state resume whatever revenues it has granted for religious purposes. Such revenues have only served to foment pride, secularity, and idleness. They have been the bane of religion, and the weakness of the church of Christ; and so long as they are continued, will prove a source of contention and malignity. An impoverished and starving people clamour for relief, and here are the means of supply. Religion would thus be unshackled, the load of secularity by which she has been bowed down would be removed, hirelings would be

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driven out of the church, and the truth of God would have 'free course, run, and be glorified.'

Some men, and even some dissenters, place great reliance on the unwillingness of the Catholics to take the pay of the state. We marvel at their folly, after the events of last year; and refer them to Mr. Robertson's indignant rebuke.

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'It is amazing,' says that gentleman, what some heads are fitted to believe, and some tongues to say. Did not the welkin of the whole world ring with a shout of Catholic joy when the State undertook to provide for the education of the priesthood in Ireland? Will they who rejoiced over the maintenance of the students reject the maintenance of the priests of Maynooth? Catholic ascendancy in Ireland is the Catholic notion of justice. In the teeth of all his loud pro. fessions of Voluntaryism, now silent, Mr. O'Connell, in a memorable speech in the beginning of last year, made his last declaration on this subject; which was, that as Presbyterianism was the established religion of Scotland, and Episcopacy of England, Catholicism ought to be the established religion of lieland. Only imagine the Vatican spurning State pay! As much of State pay, and as little of State control as possible, is the object of the Irish priesthood. Gold as much as they can get, with as little of it as possible in the shape of chains, is the object of the priests.

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O'Connell has been strong hitherto, because he has been on the side of justice. The spectacle presented by Ireland is a rich church without a people-a people without bread-a Protestantism with the curse of persecution withering it into infamy-a Catholicism the consoler of the robbed and persecuted always. In six centuries the English spoilers and Protestant persecutors have robbed the Irish Catholics of eleven-twelfths of their lands. These wrongs are the source of the power of O'Connell. Let us wash our hands of them. The language of the friends of righteousness to Mr. O'Connell ought to be, We will help you to equality, but not to ascendency-half the English, two-thirds of the Scotch, educate and pay their own clergy-you shall be our equals, you shall not have the degradation of an ascendency--the slavery of an alliance with an aristocracythe baseness of a subsistence on the alms of your spoilers. Liberator of your race! it is your people, and not your priests, who want bread! Emancipator of your religion! assist not in taking the minister of it from the bed-side of the peasant to giggle as a sycophant at the table of the landlord. Behold those thousands of your wretched countrymen lying in their cabins, famishing in the dreadful season between the old potatoes and the new-hear the yells of your countrywomen, infuriated by their famished children, around the potato carts, which are driven away because they cannot pay the price-O give not, give not the children's bread to a sacerdotal lackeyhood!' -pp. 15, 16.

What then, it may be asked, does it devolve on us to do? The question is a fair one, and we will honestly meet it. In the

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first place, then, it becomes us to look our danger in the face. We must not evade or trifle with it. There must be no shrinking back, no attempt to keep ourselves in ignorance, or to hold our judgments in suspense. Once and for all we must sift the facts, must look below the surface, must scrutinize the evidence, and satisfy ourselves of the probabilities of the case. There must be no temporizing in the matter, no communing with a low-minded and truculent expediency. The principles involved are too sacred, the interests threatened too solemn and weighty for this. We must rise to the elevation of our position, and with the earnestness of Christian men must meet the claims of duty. Our fathers have set us a noble example. Let the same moral courage and rectitude which they evinced, be seen in our demeanour.

Happily we have the means of preventing the anticipated evil. Fidelity to ourselves, or rather to the principles we have avowed, is alone required in order to this. Let us discharge our duty as Christian men, in the fear of God, and without respect of persons, and we need not fear the infidel policy of our rulers. It has happened in the course of God's providence, that the intimation of danger has come upon us on the eve of a general election. The question will probably be staved off during the present parliament, and we shall not be surprised if attempts are made before a dissolution, to involve the intentions of government in doubt. To be forewarned, however, is to be forearmed. Come when it may, the question will really be decided at the next election. If the Christian men of this country then prefer repose to their duty, if they allow the miserable charge of being political to deter them from the exercise of their right as citizens, if they suffer personal interests or local influence to induce them to record their votes otherwise than as religious fidelity enjoins, if, in a word, they merge their higher and holier obligations at the dictate of party, or the solicitations of friendship, a House will inevitably be constituted by which the chains of ecclesiastical usurpation will be strengthened, and the circle of governmental interference with Christianity be greatly enlarged. Let dissenters, then, be instantly on the alert. Let local organizations be effected, having respect to local returns. Let suitable candidates be provided, and every provision be made which earnest zeal and prudent foresight can devise. Were we alive to the religious bearings of this question as we ought to be, we should look out for men of our own class, who know our principles, are religiously earnest in their advocacy, and qualified to expound and enforce them before the national intellect. The greatest service which could be done to religion would be the return of a few such at the ensuing

general election, and we know not a higher and nobler application of a portion of the wealth of our rich men, than the furtherance of such an object. But whatever steps are taken, we say to our readers, in the language of the Scottish address :

'Let them be characterised by energy and despatch. An emergency is at hand; every day is increasingly precious; and the wellbeing of remote lands, and of future generations, wait upon your faithfulness. It is not meant that you are to display rashness and fury in your procedure; these are poisoned weapons, and must not be brandished. Avoid every word or act that could reasonably offend; beware of personal attacks, and imputation of motives, and unbecoming ridicule. Be not only just but generous in your judgment of opponents. Concede to them all the credit for upright and benevolent intention you claim to yourselves. If they accuse and malign you, return not railing for railing. Rejoice that the truth of God has so largely neutralized human folly, and that our national churches, based as they are on a false principle, contain nevertheless so many who exemplify and adorn our common Christianity. Do all this, and more, in commendation of charity. But remember that He who is the Lamb of God is also the Lion of the tribe of Judah, and that the same religion which inculcates kindness, inculcates courage; makes diligence a virtue and indolence a crime. We have slept long enough-too long. The calls of Providence, like the sound of a trumpet, waxing louder and louder, rebuke our slumbers, and summon us to action. Up, then, and be doing; quit yourselves like men-be strong. Meet immediately; hold meetings every where; interchange counsels; form and mature plans; and, whatever else you resolve on, be at all events determined to inscribe on the page of history that, IN THE EVENTFUL ELECTION of 1847, not

A DISSENTING VOTE WAS TENDERED THAT WENT TO SECULARIZE RELIGION, AND MULTIPLY ITS WRONGS.'

Brief Notices.

Life of Cardinal Wolsey. By John Galt. tional Illustrations from Cavendish's sources. London: D. Bogue.

Third edition, with addiLife of Wolsey,' and other

MR. BOGUE has acted wisely in the selection of this volume. It is well suited to the European Library,' and will be highly acceptable to the numerous purchasers of that excellent series. The times of Wolsey have left their impression on English history, and his agency was mainly instrumental in the great work then accomplished.

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