unwieldy. But there is no lack of warmth, and even of a certain coloring. As an illustration we here properly select the translation of a metrical portion, since the poetical parts offer the interpreter the best opportunity for showing his skill:

"Who so pat pe covertures of her veyn apparailes myste strepen of pise proude kynges, pat pou seest sitten on heyze in her chayeres, glyterynge in shynynge purpre, envyroned wip sorweful armures, manasyng wip cruel mouse, blowyng by woodnesse of herte, he sholde se Jan jar thilke lordes beren wipinne hir corages ful streyte cheynes. For leccherye tormentip hem on pat oon syde wip gredy venyms, and troublable Ire, pat araisep in hem pe floodes of troublynges, tourmentip upon pat oper side her out, or sorwe halt hem wery or ycaust, or slidyng and disseyving hope tourmentip hem. And perfore syn pou seest [o] on heed-pat is to seyne_oon tyraunt-bere so many tyrauntis, pan ne dop pilk [e] tyraunt nat pat he desirip, syn he is cast doune wip so many wicked lordes-pat is to seyn wip so many vices, pat han so wicked lordshipes over hym.1

The language of the Boëthius translation shows many a peculiarity; viz., numerous Latinisms, and even Roman dioms in synthesis, inflection, or syntax, which are either wholly absent or at least found very rarely in Chaucer's poems. The labor of this translation proved a school for the poet, from which his powers of speech came forth *Ed. Morris, 3361-3377. Comp. Orig IV. met. 2;

not only more elevated but more self-reliant, and above all with a greater aptitude to express thoughts of a deeper

nature.

This, in itself, presupposes more profound thinking; and, without doubt, this was one, and even the most impor tant, consequence of this labor. It was only by means of the laborious attempts at reproduction that the often re read work of the Roman philosopher passed wholly into the mental possession of Chaucer. Hence we see in the poet's views of the world, as expressed sometimes at greater length, and at other times in shorter passages, how the ideas, conceptions, and problems contained in the Consolatio Philosophia, play a more and more important part.

In the same way as Boëthius, Chaucer conceives the relation between Providence and Fate (Fortuna), and he pictures the image of this goddess in her fickleness, indifference, and malicious cruelty, quite after the manner of Boëthius. Following closely in the footsteps of his teacher, he reflects upon the narrowness of the fate of mortals, upon the inconstancy of earthly happiness, the ignorance of man in relation to things that tend to his own good. A deep impression was made upon him by the old and beautiful theory which asserts that it is Love which holds the links together in the great chain of things, and which guides earth and ocean, and commands the heavens. For a long time he is occupied with the insolu ble problem how a divine foreknowledge and the freedom of the human will can coexist.

As may be easily understood, the poet does not

in establishing a system. Perhaps he was not abs succeed

to follow Boëthius's line of thought in every partic.
any rate, the solution of many an aporia, as attem
the idealistic thinker after well-known precedent
not seem to have been quite clear to the realist.
poetry he uses now one side, and then again the ot
the antinomies with which he is occupied; occasion
however, he allows the idea of necessity, of fate, to c
out very forcibly.

But in Chaucer's poetical style the influence of Boëth even aside from the wealth of thought and increased

le even

Filar 4:

pted by

clination towards philosophic argumentation, is perceptible. Many a simile, figure of speech, and in general the definite form in which certain thoughts appear, has been borrowed by the poet from his author. We shall even see how the idea of particular scenes and situations has assumed a more definite shape from the work on the Consolation of Philosophy.

It is natural, in considering Chaucer's Boëthius, to call to mind the similar work of King Alfred. But such a retrospect vividly reminds us of the very slight progress English prose has made from the ninth to the fourteenth century, of the manifold causes which, at various times, put a stop to a development fairly inaugurated, and bequeathed the task of beginning anew to another generation. So much the higher should we estimate the services of the great poet who, the first since the Norman Conquest, enriched the national prose with a philosophic work.

A few years later the first comprehensive historical work in English prose was completed. This also originated in the southern part of the country, only more to the westward. Its composer, John Trevisa, was born in Cornwall, and was then living in Gloucestershire as vicar of Berkeley and chaplain of Thomas, fourth Earl of Berkeley. Deep learning and acumen do not appear so much in Trevisa as good intentions and tireless ndustry. He came to be the most productive and manyided translator of his time; yet in reality his efforts mply only an enlargement of material and no internal owth of English prose. Still, this enlargement was of de at importance at this period. Like Wyclif, Trevisa 1 pursued his studies at Oxford, and had somewhat ibed the spirit stirring at that university. A translafrom his pen has come down to us of that dialogue ween Knight and Cleric in which William of Occam expressed his bold ideas of the relation between rical and secular authority. He also translated the brt ermon in which Richard of Armagh had attacked

mendicant monks at Oxford in 1357. A more itr tinge is shown in his revision of theological and losophical works, such as that ascribed to the bishop

G

and martyr Methodius on the Beginning and End of the World, or of Bartholomew de Glanvilla's book De Proprietatibus Rerum, which Trevisa completed in the year 1398. His principal work, the translation of Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon, belongs to ar earlier period. The author of this chronicle had been a monk in the Abbey of St. Werburg at Chester, and had died there at a ripe old age about a quarter of a century previously. A man of extensive book knowledge, Higden had collected the widely scattered material for his historical work from the most diversified authors of antiquity, and especially of the Middle Ages. In seven books, a number corresponding to the seven days of creation, he gives, first, a geographic-antiquarian re view of the known world, and next, a sketch of univer sal history, which, from the fourth book onwards, has its centre of attraction in English history, and comes down to the time of Edward III. The industry expended by Higden on this comprehensive book did not reman unrewarded, and the lack of criticism which his work shows did not diminish the recognition with which it was received. His Chronicle of the World became, at least in England, one of the most widely read works the expiring Middle Ages. Next to the encyclopedica character of the composition, this may have been large caused by the numerous and often grotesque fables with which it was interlarded. Trevisa undertook the trans Ilation of this work under the auspices of Lord Berkeley who occupies a similar position in the inaugur English secular prose as do other members of the ity of West-England in the revival of the all poetry. The work was completed April 18, 1 dedicated to the noble patron, whose relationshi work and its translator is expressed in the pref dialogue between a Lord and a Clerk. Trevisa's tion is very faithful, except where his ignorance, quently happened, caused misunderstandings and takes. He added but little of his own to the orig but he carried on the thread of the historical revie a few years in the form of a concise Latin sequel ended at the treaty of Bretigny in 1360.

The appearance of works like Trevisa's Polychronicon, Chaucer's Boëthius, Wyclif's pamphlets and above all his translation of the Bible, shows that a new era is about to dawn for English prose-especially since the last quarter of the fourteenth century.

VIII.

The time, however, was yet far distant when prose writing should succeed in expelling poetry from realms of composition which did not belong to it, and should occupy a position equal to that of poetry. The progress made by prose faded into insignificance when compared with the powerful flight taken by poetry within the same period. Chaucer continued to conquer still new domains for poetry, and, in doing this, to elevate 'the dignity of the art as well as the dignity of the artist."

At the beginning of 1382 the English court and the whole country experienced a great and joyful emotion. On January 14, King Richard II., now fifteen years old, was betrothed to the Princess Anne of Bohemia, only a ew months older than himself; she was daughter of he Emperor Charles IV. of Germany, and sister of King Venceslaus. Festivity followed festivity, and many a ance was broken in the tournaments between English and Bohemian knights, in honor of the young couple; it yamadans if the jubilations would never cease. It had of easy task to English diplomacy to bring about impalliance; the princess had been wooed by many a

urs

an d had even been twice engaged to German des; the negotiations had been going on for more ror a year. Now that success had crowned these ens, the retrospect of the prolonged period of wooing xported a greater relish to the joy of the present. Here al a inviting theme for the writer of "occasional mor" The wedding festivities continued till the 10 February, and soon after they had passed came St. alentine's Day, which, according to ancient custom, ered an opportunity for good-natured fun and pleasant