The Dixiecrat Revolt and the End of the Solid South, 1932-1968In 1948, a group of conservative white southerners formed the States' Rights Democratic Party, soon nicknamed the "Dixiecrats," and chose Strom Thurmond as their presidential candidate. Thrown on the defensive by federal civil rights initiatives and unpre |
Contents
| 16 | |
| 55 | |
SETTING THE POSTWAR AGENDA | 106 |
THE DIXIECRAT PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN | 138 |
THE CAUSE LOST | 175 |
CUT FREE FROM THE MOORINGS | 205 |
NOTES | 227 |
INDEX | 291 |
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The Dixiecrat Revolt and the End of the Solid South, 1932-1968 Kari Frederickson Limited preview - 2003 |
Common terms and phrases
African Americans Alabama April Arkansas August ballot Birmingham Black Belt black voters Byrnes campaign candidates civil rights civil rights program Columbia Columbia Record committee conservative County court crats Deal delegates Demo Dixie Dixiecrats economic Eisenhower electors February federal FEPC Fielding Wright Florida Folsom Frank Dixon Georgia governor Greenville Gubernatorial Harry Horace Wilkinson HSTL Ibid Jackson Clarion-Ledger James January John McCray Johnston July July 18 labor Laney leaders Leander Perez liberal Lister Hill Louisiana loyalists lynching March McCorvey McCray Papers Mississippi Montgomery Advertiser NAACP national convention national Democratic Party national party Negro nomination October organization PCCR pledged Politics of Sectionalism president presidential election race racial revolt Righters Rights Democratic Roosevelt SDEC segregation September South Carolina southern Democrats Southern Politics state's Strom Thurmond Talmadge Thurmond Papers tion Tolbert Truman Truman's civil rights U.S. Senate University vote Walter Sillers white southerners white supremacy Woodard Workman Papers York
Popular passages
Page 56 - that any policies initiated by the Truman Administration no matter how 'liberal' could so alienate the South in the next year that it would revolt. ... As always, the South can be considered safely Democratic. And in formulating national policy, it can be safely ignored.
Page 8 - I've got to get legislation passed by Congress to save America. The Southerners by reason of the seniority rule in Congress are chairmen or occupy strategic places on most of the Senate and House Committees. If I come out for the anti-lynching bill now, they will block every bill I ask Congress to pass to keep America from collapsing. I just can't take that risk.
Page 117 - The time has arrived for the Democratic Party to get out of the shadow of states' rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights.
Page 128 - I want to tell you ladies and gentlemen, that there's not enough troops in the army to force the Southern people to break down segregation and admit the Negro Race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our homes, and into our churches.
Page 52 - For these compelling reasons, we can no longer afford the luxury of a leisurely attack upon prejudice and discrimination. There is much that state and local governments can do in providing positive safeguards for civil rights. But we cannot, any longer, await the growth of a will to action in the slowest state or the most backward community. Our National Government must show the way.
Page 45 - ... negro firemen and a number were murdered because it was thought that this was now a white-collar job and should go to a white man. I can't approve of such goings on and I shall never approve it, as long as I am here, as I told you before.
Page 64 - Establishing a permanent Commission on Civil Rights, a Joint Congressional Committee on Civil Rights, and a Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice.
Page 239 - This report deals with serious civil rights violations In all sections of the country. Much of it has to do with limitations on civil rights in our Southern States. To a great extent this reflects reality; many of the most sensational and serious violations of civil rights have taken place in the South.
Page 88 - Senator Harry Byrd, Sr., who claimed that the president's program constituted a "devastating broadside at the dignity of Southern traditions and institutions," to the ghoulish oratory of US Representative John Bell Williams of Mississippi, who said the president "has seen fit to run a political dagger into our backs and now he is trying to drink our blood.
Page 97 - Racial distinctions cannot exist in the machinery that selects the officers and lawmakers of the United States; and all citizens of this State and Country are entitled to cast a free and untrammelled ballot in our elections, and if the only material and realistic elections are clothed with the name "primary", they are equally entitled to vote there.

