Capitalism and Social Democracy, Page 79

Front Cover
Cambridge University Press, Dec 26, 1986 - Philosophy - 269 pages
This is a study of the choices faced by socialist movements as they developed within capitalist societies. Professor Przeworski examines the three principal choices confronted by socialism: whether to work through elections; whether to rely exclusively on the working class; and whether to try to reform or abolish capitalism. He brings to his analysis a number of abstract models of political and economic structure, and illustrates the issues in the context of historical events, tracing the development of socialist strategies since the mid-nineteenth century. Several of the conclusions are novel and provocative. Professor Przeworski argues that economic issues cannot justify a socialist programme, and that the workers had good reasons to struggle for the improvement of capitalism. Therefore, the project of a socialist transformation, and the fight for economic advancement, were separate historical phenomena.
 

Selected pages

Contents

Further Evidence
126
Conclusion
128
Appendix
129
Material Bases of Consent
133
Capitalism Hegemony and Democracy
136
Reproduction of Consent of WageEarners
145
Accumulation and Legitimation
148
Conjunctures and Crises
157

Breakdown of Consent and Force
163
Material Interests Class Compromise and the State
171
The Problem Defined
172
The Form of Class Compromise
177
Conditions of Class Compromise
182
Beyond Capitalism
197
Class Conflict and the State
200
Democratic Capitalism at the Crossroads
205
The Keynesian Revolution as a Compromise
207
Economic Alternatives
211
Market Economics as a Political Project
218
Exploitation Class Conflict and Socialism The Ethical Materialism of John Roemer
223
Exploitation and Its Origins
224
Exploitation and Class Struggle
226
Exploitation Class Struggle and Accumulation
231
Exploitation and the Transition to Socialism
235
Social Democracy and Socialism
239
References
249
Name Index
263
Subject Index
267
Copyright

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Page 58 - not yet" status of consciousness and organization of salaried employees. Already in the Manifesto, Marx and Engels observed that capitalism "has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into wage labourers.
Page 37 - It is not the ownership of the instruments of production which it is important for the state to assume. If the state is able to determine the aggregate amount of resources devoted to augmenting the instruments and the basic rate of reward to those who own them, it will have accomplished all that is necessary.
Page 203 - It is not the ownership of the instruments of production which it is important for the state to assume. If the state is able to determine the aggregate amount of resources devoted to augmenting the instruments and the basic rate of reward to those who own them, it will have accomplished all that is necessary".
Page 207 - It is not the ownership of the instruments of production which it is important for the state to assume. If the state is able to determine the aggregate amount of resources devoted to augmenting the instruments and the basic reward to those who own them, it will have accomplished all that is necessary.
Page 17 - rapidly to proletarianization of craftsmen, artisans, merchants, and small agricultural proprietors. Even "the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science" were being converted into proletarians, according to The Communist
Page 17 - universal suffrage is the equivalent of political power for the working class of England, where the proletariat forms the large majority of the population ..." Kautsky's The Class Struggle, probably the most influential theoretical statement of the early socialist movement, maintained that the proletariat already constituted the largest class "in all civilized countries.
Page 86 - We must not forget the persistent emphasis on the anarchy of capitalist production characteristic of socialist thought of the late nineteenth century. 'The contradiction between socialized production and capitalist appropriation," Engels wrote, "now presents itself as an antagonism between the organization of production in the individual workshop and the anarchy of production in society generally.
Page 52 - socialist consciousness can arise only on the basis of profound scientific knowledge. . . . The vehicle of science is not the proletariat, but the bourgeois intelligentsia-, it was in the minds of individual members of this stratum that modem socialism originated, and it was they who communicated it to the more intellectually developed proletarians, who in their turn introduced it into the proletarian class struggle
Page 69 - or enter involuntarily. Class-consciousness is the way in which these experiences are handled in cultural terms: embodied in traditions, value systems, ideas, and institutional forms. If the experience appears as determined, class-consciousness does not
Page 52 - socialism originated, and it was they who communicated it to the more intellectually developed proletarians, who in their turn introduced it into the proletarian class struggle from without and not something that arose within it spontaneously.

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