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employment ten years, not to mention the fair chance of a better. This, at 1500l. a-year, amounts in ten years to 15,000l. My estate, by the success of the said project, sinks 4007. a-year; which, at 20 years purchase, is but 80007.; so that I am clear gainer of 70007. upon the balance. And during all that period I am possessed of power and credit, can gratify my favourites, and take vengeance on my enemies. And if the project miscarry, my private merit is still entire. This arithmetic, as horrible as it appears. I knowingly affirm to have been practised and applied in conjunctures whereon depended the ruin or safety of a nation ; although probably the charity and virtue of a senate will hardly be induced to believe that there can be such monsters among mankind. And yet the wise lord Bacon mentions a sort of people (I doubt the race is not yet extinct) who would "set a house on fire for the convenience of roasting their own eggs at the flame.”

But whoever is old enough to remember, and has turned his thoughts to observe, the course of public affairs in this kingdom from the time of the Revolution, must acknowledge that the highest points of interest and liberty have been often sacrificed to the avarice and ambition of particular persons, upon the very principles and arithmetic that I have supposed. The only wonder is, how these artists were able to prevail upon numbers, and influence even public assemblies, to become instruments for effecting their execrable designs. It is, I think, in all conscience, latitude enough for vice if a man in station be allowed to act injustice upon the usual principles of getting a bribe, wreaking his malice, serving his party, or consulting his preferment, while his wickedness terminates in the ruin only of particular persons; but to deliver up our whole country, and every living soul who inhabits it, to certain destruction, has not, as I remember, been permitted by the most favourable casuists on the side of corruption. It were far better that all who have had the misfortune to be born in this kingdom should be rendered incapable of holding any employment whatsoever above the degree of a constable, (according to the scheme and intention of a great minister, gone to his own place,) than to live under the daily apprehension of a few false brethren among ourselves; because in the former case we should be wholly free from the danger of being betrayed, since none could then have impudence enough to pretend any public good.

It is true that, in this desperate affair of the new oalfpence, I have not heard of any man above my own degree of a shopkeeper to have been hitherto so bold as, in direct terms, to vindicate the fatal project; although I have been told of some very mollifying expressions which were used, and very gentle expedients proposed and handed about, when it first came under debate; but since the eyes of the people have been so far opened that the most ignorant can plainly see their own ruin in the success of Wood's attempt, these grand compounders have been more cautious.

But that the same spirit still subsists has manifestly appeared, (among other instances of great compliance,) from certain circumstances that have attended some late proceedings in a court of judicature. There is not any commonplace more frequently insisted on by those who treat of our constitution than the great happiness and excellency of trials by juries; yet, if this blessed part of our law be eludible at pleasure, by the force of power, frowns, and artifice, we shall have little reason to boast of our advantage in this particular over other states or kingdoms in Europe. And surely these high proceedings, exercised in a point that so nearly concerned the life-blood of the people, their necessary subsistence, their very food and raiment, and even the public peace, will not allow any favourable appear

• The earl of Sunderland.

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ance; because it was obvious that so much superabundant zeal could have no other design, or produce any other effect, than to damp that spirit raised in the nation against this accursed scheme of William Wood and his abettors.-to which spirit alone we owe, and for ever must owe, our being hitherto preserved, and our hopes of being preserved for the future, if it can be kept up and strongly countenanced by your wise assemblies. I wish I could account for such a demeanour upon a more charitable foundation than that of putting our interest in over balance with the ruin of our country.

I remember some months ago, when this affair was fresh in discourse, a person nearly allied to SOMEBODY, or (as the hawkers called him NOBODY, who was thought deeply concerned, went about very diligently among his acquaintance to show the bad censequences that might follow from any public resentment to the disadvantage of his ally Mr. Wood, principally alleging the danger of all employments being disposed of from England. One of these emissaries came to me and urged the same topic. I answered naturally, "that I knew there was no office of any kind which a man from England might not have if he thought it worth bis asking; and that I looked upon all who had the disadvantage of being born here as only in the conditions of leasers and gleaners." Neither could I forbear mentioning the known fable of "the countryman who entreated his ass to fly, for fear of being taken by the enemy; but the ass refused to give himself that trouble, and upon a very wise reason-because he could not possibly change his present master for a worse; the enemy could not make him fare harder, beat him more cruelly, or load him with heavier burdens."

Upon these and many other considerations, I may affirm it to be the wish of the whole nation that the power and privileges of juries were declared, ascertained, and confirmed by the legislature, and that whoever has been manifestly known to violate them might be stigmatized by public censure: not from any hope that such a censure will amend their practices or hurt their interest (for it may probably operate quite contrary in both), but that the nation may know their enemies from their friends.

I say not this with any regard or view to myself. for I write in great security, and am resolved that none shall merit at my expense, further than by showing their zeal to discover, prosecute, and condemn me, for endeavouring to do my duty in serving my country: and yet I am conscious to myself that I never had the least intention to reflect on his majesty's ministers, nor any other person except William Wood, whom I neither did, nor do yet, conceive to be of that number. However, some would have it that I went too far; but I suppose they will now allow themselves mistaken. I am sure I might easily have gone farther, and I think I could not easily have fared worse. And, therefore, I was no further affected with their proclamation and subsequent proceedings than a good clergyman is with the sins of the people. And as to the poor printer, he is now gone to appear before a higher and before a righteous tribunal.

As my intention is only to lay before your great assemblies the general wishes of the nation, and as I have already declared it our principal wish that your first proceeding would be to examine into the pernicious fraud of William Wood, so I must add, as the universal opinion, that all schemes of commutation, composition, and the like expedients, either avowed or implied, will be of the most pernicious consequences to the public,-against the dignity of a free kingdom,and prove an encouragement to future adventurers in the same destructive projects. For it is a maxim

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declarations against those of Wood. We alleged the
fraudulent obtaining and executing of his patent; the
baseness of his metal, and the prodigious sum
coined, which might be increased by stealth from foreign
importation and his own counterfeits, as well as those at

which no man at present disputes, that even a connivance to admit 10007. in these halfpence, will produce. in time, the same ruinous effects as if we openly consented to admit 1,000,000. It were, therefore, infinitely more safe and eligible to leave things in the doubtful, melancholy state they are at present (which, how-home; whereby we must infallibly lose all our little ever, God forbid!), and trust entirely to the general aversion of our people against this coin, using all honest endeavours to preserve, continue, and increase that aversion, than submit to apply those palliatives which weak, perfidious, or abject politicians are, upon all cccasions and in all diseases, so ready to administer.

In the small compass of my reading (which however has been more extensive than is usual to men of my inferior calling) I have observed that grievances have always preceded supplies. And if ever grievances had a title to such pre-eminence, it must be this of Wood because it is not only the greatest grievance that any country could suffer, but a grievance of such a kind that, if it should take effect, would make it impossible for us to give any supplies at all, except in adulterate copper; unless a tax were laid for paying the civil and military lists and the large pensious with real commodities instead of money. Which however might be liable to some few objections, as well as difficulties; for although the common soldiers might be content with beef, and mutton, and wool, and malt, and leather, yet I am in some doubt as to the generals, the colonels, the numerous pensioners, the civil officers. and others, who all live in England upon Irish pay, as well as those few who reside among us only because they cannot help it.

There is one particular which, although I have mentioned more than once in some of my former papers, yet I cannot forbear to repeat, and a little enlarge upon it; because I do not remember to have read or heard of the like in the history of any age or country, neither do I ever reflect upon it without the utmost astonishment.

gold and silver, and all our poor remainder of a very limited and discouraged trade. We urged that the patent was passed without the least reference hither, and without mention of any security given by Wood to receive his own halfpence upon demand; both which are contrary to all former proceedings in the like cases. These and many other arguments we offered, but still the patent went on; and at this day our ruin would have been half completed if God in his mercy had not raised a universal detestation of these halfpence in the whole kingdom, with a firm resolution never to receive them; since we are not under obligations to do so by any law, either human or divine.

But in the name of God and of all justice and piety, when the king's majesty was pleased that this patent should pass. is it not to be understood that he conceived, believed, and intended it as a gracious act for the good and benefit of his subjects, for the advantage of a great and fruitful kingdom; of the most loyal kingdom upon earth, where no hand or voice was ever lifted up against him; a kingdom where the passage is not of three hours from Britain, and a kingdom where papists have less power and less land than in England? Can it be denied or doubted that his majesty's ministers understood and proposed the same end, the good of this nation, when they advised the passing of this patent? Can the person of Wood be otherwise regarded than as the instrument. the mechanic. the head-workman, to prepare his furnace, his fuel, his metal, and his stamps? If I employ a shoe-boy, is it in view to his advantage. or to my own convenience? I mention the person of William Wood alone, because no William Wood alone, because no other appears; and we are not to reason upon surmises, neither would it avail if they had a real foundation.

Allowing therefore (for we cannot do less) that this patent for the coining of halfpence was wholly intended by a gracious king and a wise public-spirited ministry for the advantage of Ireland, yet when the whole kingdʊm to a man, for whose good the patent was designed, do, upon maturest consideration, universally join in openly declaring, protesting. addressing. petitioning against these halfpence, as the most ruinous project that ever was set on foot to complete the slavery and destruction of a poor innocent country; is it, was it, can it, or will it ever be a question, not, whether such a kingdom, or William Wood, should be a gainer; but whether such a kingdom should be wholly und, ue, de

After the unanimous addresses to his sacred majesty, against the patent of Wood, from both houses of parliament, which are the three estates of the kingdom, and likewise an address from the privy-council, to whom, under the chief governors, the whole administration is intrusted, the matter is referred to a committee of council in London. Wood and his adherents are heard on one side, and a few volunteers, without any trust or direction from hence, on the other. The question, as I remember. chiefly turned upon the want of halfpence in Ireland. Witnesses are called on the behalf of Wood, of what credit I have formerly shown. Upon the issue, the patent is found good and legal; all his majesty's officers here (not excepting the military) commanded to be aiding and assisting to make it effectual; the addresses of both houses of parliament, of the privy-council, and of the city of Dublin, the de-stroyed, sunk, depopulated, made a scene of misery and clarations of most counties and corporations through the kingdom, are altogether laid aside as of no weight, consequence. or consideration whatsoever; and the whole kingdom of Ireland nonsuited in default of appearance, as if it were a private cause between John Doe, plaintiff, and William Roe, defendant.

With great respect to those honourable persons, the committee of council in London, I have not understood them to be our governors, councillors, or judges. Neither did our case turn at all upon the question whether Ireland wanted halfpence or no? For there is no doubt but we do want both halfpence, gold, and silver; and we have numberless other wants, and some that we are not so much as allowed to name, although they are peculiar to this nation; to which no other is subject whom God has blessed with religion and laws, or any degree I of soil and sunshine; but for what demerits on our side, I am altogether in the dark.

But I do not remember that our want of halfpence was either affirmed or denied in any of our addresses or

desolation, for the sake of William Wood? God of his infinite mercy avert this dreadful judgment! And it is our universal wish that God would put it into your hearts to be his instruments for so good a work.

For my own part, who am but one man of obscure condition, I do solemnly declare. in the presence of Almighty God, that I will suffer the most ignominious and torturing death, rather than submit to receive this accursed coin, or any other that shall be liable to these objections, until they shall be forced upon me by a law of my own country; and if that shall ever happen, I will transport myself into some foreign land, and eat the bread of poverty among a free people.

Am I legally punishable for these expressions? shall another proclamation issue against me because I presume to take my country's part against William Wood where her final destruction is intended? whenever you shall please to impose silence upon me I will submit, because I look upon your unanimous voice to be the voice of the nation; and this I have

But

been taught and do believe to be in some manuer the voice of God.

The great ignominy of a whole kingdom lying so long at mercy under so vile an adversary is such a deplorable aggravation, that the utmost expressions of shame and rage are too low to set it forth; and therefore I shall leave it to receive such a resentment as is worthy of a parliament

It is likewise our universal wish that his majesty should grant liberty to coin halfpence in this kingdom for our own use, under such restriction as a parliament here shall advise; since the power of coining even gold and silver is possessed by every petty prince abroad, and was always practised by Scotland to the very time. of the Union; yet surely Scotland, as to soil, climate, and extent, is not in itself the fourth part the value of Ireland, for bishop Burnet says, "it is not above the fortieth part in value to the rest of Britain ;" and with respect to the profit that England gains from heuce, not the forty thousandth part. Although I must confess that a mote in the eye or a thorn in the side is more dangerous and painful than a beam or spike at a dis

tance.

The histories of England and of most other countries abound in relating the miserable, and sometimes the most tragical, effects from the abuses of coin hy debasing the metal, by lessening or enhancing the value upon occasious to the public loss; of which we have an example within our own memory in England, and another very lately in France. It is the tenderest point of government, affecting every individual in the highest degree. When the value of money is arbitrary or unsettied, no man can well be said to have any property at all; nor is any wound so suddenly felt, so hardly cured, or that leaves such deep and lasting scais behind. I conceive this poor unhappy island to have a title to some indulgence from England, not only upon the score of christianity, natural equity, and the general rights of mankind, but chiefly on account of that immense profit they receive from us; without which that kingdom would make a very different figure in Europe from what it does at present.

The rents of land in Ireland, since they have been of late so enormously raised and screwed up, may be computed to about two millions; whereof oue-third part at least is directly transmitted to those who are perpetual absentees in England, as I find by a computation made with the assistance of several skilful gentlemen.

The other articles, by which we are altogether losers. and England a gainer, we found to amount to almost as much more.

I will only set down as many heads of them as I can remember, and leave them to the consideration of those who understand accounts better than I pretend to do :— The occasional absentees for business, health, or diversion.

Three-fourths of the revenue of the chief governor during his absence, which is usually four-fifths of his government.

The whole revenue of the post-office.

The numerous pensions paid to persons in England.
The pay of the chief officers of the army absent in
England, which is a great sum.

Four commissioners of the revenue always absent.
Civil employments very numerous, and of great in-

come.

The vast charge of appeals to the house of lords and to the court of delegates.

Students at the inms of court and the two universities. Eighty thousand pounds sent yearly to England for coals, whereof the prime cost is nothing, and therefore the profit wholly theirs.

One hundred thousand pou ds paid several years

past for corn sent over hither from England, the effect of our own great wisdom in discouraging agriculture

The kind liberty granted us of wearing Indian stuffs and calicoes to gratify the vanity and folly of our women, which, besides the profit to England, is an inconceivable loss to us, forcing the weavers to beg in our streets, or transport themselves to foreign countries.

The prodigious loss to us, and gain to England, by selling them all our wool at their own rates, wherent the manufacture exceeds above ten times the prime cost; a proceeding without example in the christian or heathen world.

Our own wool returned upon us in English manufac tures, to our infinite shame and damage, and the great advantage of England.

The full profit of all mines accruing to England, an effect of great negligence and stupidity.

An affectation among us of liking all kind of goods made in Eugland.

These, and many other articles which I cannot recollect at present, are agreed by judicious men to amount to near 700,000 per annum clear profit to England; and, upon the whole, let any man look into those authors who write upon the subject of commerce, he shall find that there is not one single article in the essentials or circumstances of trade, whereby a country can be a loser, which we do not possess in the highest perfection; somewhat in every particular that bears a kind of analogy to William Wood; and now the branches are all cut off, he stands ready with his axe at the root.

Upon this subject of perpetual absentees I have spent some time in very insignificant reflections; and, cousidering the usual motives of human actions, which are pleasure, profit, and ambition, I cannot yet comprehend how those persons find their account in any of the three. I speak not of those English peers or gentlemen who, besides their estates at home, have possessions here, for in that case the matter is desperate; but I mean those lords and wealthy knights or squires, whose birth, and partly their education, and all their fortune (except some trifle, and that in a very few instances), are in this kingdom. I knew many of them well enough during several years when I resided in England, and truly I could not discover that the figure they made was by any means a subject for euvy, at least it gave me two very different passions. For, excepting the advantage of going now and then to an opera, or sometimes appearing behind a crowd at court, or adding to the ring of coaches at Hyde Park, or losing their money at the chocolate-house, or getting news, votes, and minutes about five days before us in Dublin; I say besides these, and a few other privileges of less importance, their temptations to live in Loudon were beyond my knowledge or conception. And I used to wonder how a man of birth and spirit could eudme to be wholly insignificant and obscure in a foreign country, when he might live with lustre in his own, and even at less than half that expense which he strains himself to make without obtaining any one end, except that which happened to the frog when he would needs contend for size with the ox. I have been told by scholars that Cæsar said he would rather be the first man in I know not what village than the second in Rome. This perhaps was a thought only fit for Cæsar: but to be preceded by thousands and neglected by millions; to be wholly without power, figure, influence, honour, credit, or distinction, is not, in my poor opinion, a very amiable situation of life to a person of title or wealth, who can so cheaply and easily shine in his native country.

But besides the depopulating of the kingdom, leaving so many parts of it wild and uncultivated, the ruin of so many country-seats and plantations, the cutting

down of all the woods to supply expenses in England, the absence of so many noble and wealthy persons has been the cause of another fatal consequence which few perhaps have been aware of. For if that very considerable number of lords who possess the amplest fortunes here had been content to live at home and attend the affairs of their own country in parliament, the weight, reputation, and dignity thereby added to that noble house would in all human probability have prevented certain proceedings which are now ever to be lamented, because they never can be remedied; and we might have then decided our own properties among ourselves without being forced to travel five hundred miles by sea and land to another king/lom for justice, to our infinite expense, vexation, and trouble; which is a mark of servitude without example from the practice of any age or nation in the world.

I have sometimes wondered upon what motives the peerage of England were so desirous to determine our controversies, because I have been assured and partly know that the frequent appeals from hence have been very irksome to that illustrious body; and whoever his frequented the painted chamber and courts of requests must have observed that they are never so nobly filled as when an Irish appeal is under debate.

The of Scotland, who are very numerous, were peers content to reside in their castles and houses in that bleak and barren climate; and although some of them made frequent journeys to London, yet I do not remember any of their greatest families till very lately to have made England their constaut habitation before the Union; or if they did, I am sure it was generally to their own advantage, and whatever they got was employed to cultivate and increase their own estates; and by that means eurich themselves and their country.

As to the great number of rich absentees under the degree of peers, what particular ill effects their absence may have upou this kingdom beside those already mentioned may perhaps be too tender a point for me to touch. But whether those who live in another kingdom upon great estates here, and have lost all regard to their own country, further than upou account of the revenues they receive from it; I say, whether such persons may not be prevailed on to recommend others to vacant seats who have no interest here except a precarious employment, aud consequently can have po views but to preserve what they have got, or to be higher advanced; this I am sure is a very melancholy question, if it be a question at all.

But besides the prodigious profit which England receives by the transmittal thither of two-thirds of the revenues of this old kingdom, it has another mighty advantage by making our country a receptacle wherein to disburden themselves of their supernumerary pretenders to offices, persons of second-rate merit in their own country, who, like birds of passage, most of them thrive aud fatten here, and fly off when their credit and employments are at an end. So that Ireland may justly say what Luther said of himself, POOR Ireland makes many rich!

If amid all our difficulties I should venture to assert that we have one great advantage, provided we could improve it as we ought, I believe most of my readers would be long in conjecturing what possible advantage could ever fall to our share. However it is certain that all the regular seeds of party and faction among us are entirely rooted out; and if any new ones shall spring up they must be of equivocal generation, without any seed at all; and will be justly imputed to a degree of stupidity beyond even what we have been ever charged with upon the score of our birthplace and climate.

The parties in this kingdom (including those of modern date) are, 1st, of those who have been charged or suspected to favour the pretender, and those who

were zealous opposers of him. 2ndly, of those who were for and against a toleration of dissenters by law 3rdly, of high and low church, or (to speak in the cant of the times) of Whig aud Tory. And. ithly, of court and country. If there be any more they are beyond my observation or politics; for as to subaltern or occasional parties, they have been all derivations from the same originals.

Now it is manifest that all these incitements to faction, party, and division, are wholly removed from among us. For as to the pretender, his cause is both There are very few now alive desperate and obsolete. There are very who were men in his father's time, and in that prince's interest; and in all others the obligation of couscience has no place. Even the papists in general, of any has no place.a substance or estates, and their priests almost universally, are what we call Whigs in the sense which by that word is generally understood. They feel the smart and see the scars of their former wounds, and very well know that they must be made a sacrifice to the least attempts toward a change; although it cannot be doubted that they would be glad to have their superstition restored under any prince whatsoever.

2ndly, The dissenters are now tolerated by law, n ither do we observe any murmurs at present from that quarter except those reasonable complaints they make of persecution, because they are excluded from civil employments, but their number being very small in either house of parliament, they are not yet in a situation to erect a party; because, however indifferent men may be with regard to religion, they are now grown wise enough to know that if such a latitude were allowed to dissenters the few small employments left us in cities and corporations would find other hands to lay hold on them.

3rdly, The dispute between high and low church is now at an end; two-thirds of the bishops having been promoted in this reign, and most of them from England, who have bestowed all preferments in their gift to those they could well confide in; the deaneries, all except three, and many principal churchlivings, are in the donation of the crown: so that we already possess such a body of clergy as will never engage in controversy upon that autiquated and exploded subject.

Lastly, as to court and country parties, so famous and avowed under most reigns in English parliaments, this kingdom has not for several years past been a proper scene whereon to exercise such contentions, and is now less proper than ever; many great employments for life being in distant hands, and the reversious diligently watched and secured; the temporary ones of any inviting value are all bestowed elsewhere as fast as they drop; and the few remaining are of too low consideration to create contests about them, except among younger brothers or tradesmen like myself. therefore to institute a court and country party without materials would be a very new system in politics, and what I believe was never thought on oefore, nor unless in a nation of idiots can ever succeed, for the most ignorant Irish cottager will not sell his cow for a groat.

And

Therefore I conclude that all party and faction, with regard to public proceedings, are now extinguished iu this kingdom; neither does it appear in view how they can possibly revive, unless some new causes be administered; which cannot be done without crossing the interests of those who are the greatest gainers by continuing the same measures. Aud general calamities, without hope of redress, are allowed to be the great uniters of mankind.

However we may dislike the causes, yet this effect of begetting a universal concord among us in all national a The obligation arising from their having sworn allegiance.

debates, as well as in cities, corporations, and country neighbourhoods, may keep us at least alive, and in a condition to eat the little bread allowed us in peace and amity. I have heard of a quarrel in a tavern, where all were at daggers drawing, till one of the company cried out, desiting to kuow the subject of the quarrel; which when none of them could tell, they put up their swords, sat down, and passed the rest of the evening in quiet. The former pait has been our case, I hope the latter will be so too; that we shall sit down amicably together, at least until we have something that may give us a title to fall out, since nature has instructed even a brood of goslings to stick together while the kite is hovering over their heads.

It is certain that a firm union in any country, where every man wishes the same thing with relation to the public, may, in several points of the greatest in several points of the greatest importance, in some measure supply the defect of power, and even of those rights which are the natural and undoubted inheritance of mankind. If the universal wish of the nation upon any point were declared by the unanimous vote of the house of commons and a reasonable number of lords, I should think myself obliged in conscience to act in my sphere according to that vote; because in all free nations I take the proper definition of law to be the will of the majority of those who have the property in land; which, if there be a monarchy, is to be confirmed by the royal assent. And although such votes or declarations have not received such a coufirmation for certain accidental reasons, yet I think they ought to be of much weight with the subject, provided they neither oppose the king's prerogative, endanger the peace of the nation, nor infringe any law already in force; none of which, however, can easonably be supposed. Thus, for instance, if nine in ten of the house of commons, and a reasonable number of native temporal peers, should declare that whoever received or uttered brass coin, excepting under certain limitations and securities, should be deemed as enemies to the king and nation, I should think it a heinous sin in myself to act contrary to such a vote: and if the same power should declare the same censure against those who wore Indian stuffs and calicoes, or woollen manufactures imported from abroad, whereby this nation is reduced to the lowest ebb of misery, I should readily, heartily, and cheerfully pay obedience and to my utmost power persuade others to do the like; because there is no law of this land obliging us either to receive such coin or to wear such foreigu manufactures.

Upon this last article I could humbly wish that the reverend the clergy would set us an example, by conteuting themselves with wearing gowns and other habiliments of Irish drapery; which, as it would be some incitement to the laity, and set many hands to work, so they would find their advantage in the cheapness, which is a circumstance not to be neglected by too many amoug that venerable body. And in order to this, I could heartily desire that the most ingenious artists of the weaving trade could contrive some decent stuffs and silk for clergyinen at reasonable rates.

I have pressed several of our most substantial brethren, that the whole corporation of weavers in silk and woollen would publish some proposals (I wish they would do it to both houses of parliament) inviting persons of all degrees, and of both sexes, to wear the woollen and silk manufactures of our own country; entering into solemu mutual engagements that the buyer shall have good, substantial, merchantable ware for his money, and at a certain rate without the trouble of cheapening; so that if I sent a child for a piece of stuff of a particular colour and fineness, I should be sure not to be deceived; or, if I had reason to complain, the corporation should give me immediate

satisfaction; and the name of the tradesman who did me the wrong should be published and warning given not to deal with him for the future, unless the matter plainly appeared to be a mistake: for, besides the trouble of going from shop to shop, an ignorant customer runs the hazard of being cheated in the price and goodness of what he buys, being forced to an unequal combat with a dexterous and dishonest man in his own calling. Thus our goods fall under a general disreputation; and the gentry call for English cloth, or silk, from an opinion they have (and often too justly by our own faults) that the goodness more than makes up for the difference of price.

Besides it has been the sottish and ruinous practice of us tradesmen, upon any great demand of goods, either at home or from abroad, to raise the prices imdiately, and manufacture the said goods more slightly and fraudulently than before.

Of this foul and foolish proceeding too many instances might be produced; and I cannot forbear mentioning one, whereby this poor kingdom has received such a fatal blow, in the only article of trade allowed us of any importance, that nothing but the success of Wood's project could outdo it. During the late plague in France, the Spaniards, who buy their linen cloths in that kingdom, not daring to venture thither for fear of infection, a very great demand was made here for that commodity, and exported to Spain: but, whether by the ignorance of the merchants, or dishonesty of the northern weavers, or the collusion of both, the ware was so bad and the price so excessive, that, except some small quantity which was sold below the prime cost, the greatest part was returned and I have been told by very intelligent persous that, if we had been fair dealers, the whole current of the linen trade to Spain

would have taken its course from hence.

If any punishments were to be inflicted on numbers of men, surely there could none be thought too great for such a race of traitors and cuemies to God and their country; who, for the prospect of a little present gain, do not only ruin themselves (for that alone would be an example to the rest and a blessing to the nation), but sell their souls to hell and their country to destruc. tiou. And if the plague could have been confined only to those who were partakers in the guilt, had it travelled hither from Marseilles, those wietches would have died with less title to pity than a highwaymau going to the gallows.

But it happens very unluckily that, for some time past, all endeavours or proposals from private persons to advance the public service, however honestly and innocently designed, have been called FLYING IN THE KING'S FACE; and this, to my knowledge, has been the style of some persons, whose ancestors (I mean those among them who had any), and themselves, have been flying in princes' faces these fourscore years; and from their own inclinations would do so still, if their interest did not lead them rather to fly in the face of a kingdom which has given them wings to enable them for such a flight.

Thus about four years ago, when a discourse was published endeavouring to persuade our people to wear their own woollen manufactures, full of the most dutiful expressions to the king, and without the least party hint, it was termed "flying in the king's face;" the printer was prosecuted in the manner we all remember, and I hope it will somewhere be remembered further, the jury kept eleven hours, and sent back nine times, till they were under the necessity of leaving the prisoner to the mercy of the court, by a special verdict, the judge on the bench invoking God for Lis witness when he asserted "that the author's design was to bring in the pretender."

And thus also my own poor endeavours to prevent

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