The Anti-union..

tlon is, no doubt, good ; though your judgment is erroneous ; .you have stepped sorward the first among your countrymen, to raise an outcry against the projected Union, and to excite a constitutional resistance to a measure, which you think dishonourable and ruinous to your country. But I say that Is you saw our situation aright, and were sriends to the real independence and honor os Ireland, you would, with all your might, promote this Union; Why do I think so? I answer boldly,because I think that an Union is the only event, which, perhaps sor a century to come, can surnish means to the real sriends os the country, to throw eft" sor ever, the British Connexion. To men os your known principles, men who appear seriously to believe -that the welsare os Ireland depends on perpetuating the present connexion between the two countries, this may seem a strange argument; but, Gentlemen, give me -leave to tell you, that these principles appear likely, in a very little time, to become antiquated. The present attempt os the British Minister, must have shaken .them, and I am convinced there is not a thinking mind in Ireland, who perceives that the exijling connection os the two crowns, is regarded by the British Cabinet only as an instrument sor bringing about anothir connexion, namely, that which is now about to be sorced down yourthroats, and which must bury sor ever, the name, the rights, and the constitution os Ireland \ "\ say there is not-a thinking mind in Ireland who perceives this, that does not i'eel his zeal sor British Connexion, glow less ardently. I know that as things go on, that zeal will he extinguished in every bosom in Ireland, and that it will be sollowed by a determination to rescue the country sor ever, from the gripe os British domination. The question then is, whether an Union will tend to accelerate that event? I contend that it will—-that it mujl do so os necessary consequence, and my opinion rests upon this argument: It appears by the experience os this summer, that the whole sorce os the state, animated by the loyalty os most os the men os property in Ireland, prompted by the inveterate animosity os religious bigotry, guided by a resident viceroy, and council os acknowledged talents, and invigorated by the cheering presence os .a resident legislature, it appears, I say, that with all these advantages, the sorce os Ireland seconded by the auxiliary sorce os Great Britain, was sor some time only able to maintain a doubtsul contest with our society, though our councils were discovered, our leaders imprisoned, our allies not yet arrived, our people untried in arms, and astonished by the wise, decisive and able measures os the government. Thus much we were able to effect even at that time; it is true, indeed, that at present our power is broken, our allies deseated, our plans and principles detected and exposed, and our sorce put down aster a sair trial os strength—it is true theresore, that we can no longer hope to rise while things remain in their present slate—but let an Union be once carried against the will ©s ithc loyal part os the community, how disserent will

be our situation! No man can doubt that the first consequence os that measore will be to add immense numbers to our party, and you will be sure we will not neglect to take advantage os this new grountl os discontent. We have hated the Orange-men; but we are not such sools as to reject their assistance, when they shall have been convinced os their mistake by this wanton and insolent attack os the British cabinet—our sorce, theresore, will be greatly encreased; add to this, that many os those noblemen and men os great .property, whose influence in the late contest raised up an host against us, will, in that event, either be sent to London as Irish representatives, or they will go thither to court preserment or pleasure. In these, theresore, we shall have our most dangerous enemies removed: But besides this, there will no longer remain a sormidable administration, consisting os able and vigilant minister* to watch our movements—there will exist no longer a legislature to guard by wise and timely measures against the operations os our executive. Magistrates, resident five or six hundred miles srom the seat os government, will naturally be less active and bold in discha ge os their duty than when they were under the eye os a government that would encourage and reward their activity. Is there be men in this country who have really the spirit os independent men, they will seel inert and disgusted in their new character os Provincials. New taxes, a necessary consequence os an Union, will furnish us with anew handle to play on the seelings os the populace. In short, ever»y circumstance by which an Union can be accompanied will add to our strength, and diminish that os the opposite party; what then may we not hope from one feuld essoit, such as we lately made? What will remain to prevent the success os one great essay to liberate ourcountry? Our country, then a DepenDant Province! Treason will, in the eye os many who now loath it, lose its turpitude—RebelliOn will become a word expressive os moral virtue—and the now detested name os United Irishman will be understood to signisy a suffering helot struggling sor his sreedom !•

Gentlemen, I communicate these sentiment- to you as to men, who I conceive are acting wrong srom the best motives. You are opposing (hat which tends immediately to the emancipation os your country, under the salse notion that you are contending sor its indepehdance. Desist, is you are wise, srom so sottish a conduct. Look beyond the present moment, and behold this island rising into sels-dependent, unconnected dignity, srom a Legislative Union os the two.countries!

1 am, Gentlemen,

Yourreal sriend,

A COMMITTEE MAN.

TO THE SOCIETY

WHO

CONDUCT THE ANTI-UNION.

GENTLEMEN,

OU have set out with prosessing to oppose an Union, and you have now published several numbers, in which you have given some very good arguments, no doubt, against that abominable measure; but you seem to me to be. too cool, too abstract, too philosophical, in your discussion. In my mind you are very insipid milk and water gentlemen. You talk os this measure as you would os a difficult point os law, or os philosophy, in which your head only, not your heart, your inter est, your affeflions, your family, your posterity, were concerned! My heart burns with indignation, my blood boils, my head becomes giddy when I think os it! and reading your paper does not tend to appease my seelings; sor I tell you again you seem to me a set os cold, insensible, srogblooded sellows. Have you been in Ireland sor these last seven months, or are you dropped srom the clouds with nothing but intellect about you? Are you yeomen? Have you been called srom your warm habitations, srom the bosom os your wise, the embraces os your children,.to undergo all the satigues and all the dangers os war to save our constitution? Have you drawn your sword against your countrymen,and bathed it in his blood, because he attempted to change that constitution? Have you lost your health and diminished your sortune in order to keep your oath, and desend to the utmost os your power the King, Lords, and Commons, os Ireland? And aster all this, can you, when you are told that all you have been fighting sor was a corrupt and despicable set os fellows who have sold their country, and have always done so, to the British minister—that the constitution which you have bled sor was not worth a groat; and that your parliament, which you were taught to love and honor, must die an insamous-death? Can you, I say, aster all this,reason coldly and abstractedly upon this subject ? why doat you speak out and tell the insolent sellows who talk in this manner, that the loyal Yeomanry os Ireland, the Orange-men, who have resisted rebellion, put down treason, and desended their country and its constitution, will not be insulted with impunity ! that is they have been made to-draw their sword against their deluded countrymen,they

will not be backward to draw it against But I

have not patience to think on this subject—I love my King, God bless him: I am a sriend to England, and I am perhaps a bigot in my love sor the constitution I have lived under;—but am I then to be made a tool os to serve Mr. Pitt's purposes? God grant me patience! Pray, pray let me see something spirited on this subject srom you, who pretend to dislike this soul measure as well as I, or I shall begin to think that there are none but knaves and sools in the world.

I am, Gentlemen,

An injured, insulted,
ORANGE YEOMAN.

Fabula Narratur.

N days os yore, as tales agree, When beasts could speak like you and me, Long reign'd the terror os the wood, A Wolf, inur'd to war and blood: So fierce the savage, one would think Contention was his meat and drink— Nay some would take their bible oath, He lov'd it better sar than both. Whate'er the strise, sor bit or bone, He long'd to make the cause his own:' With head strong rage the surly brute Provoked and manag'd each dispute j Though ost he smarted in his hide For joining the unlucky side. The Pitcher, antient proverbs tell, That goes too osten to the well, Through many a dayly peril past, Comes home a vessel crack'd at last ;— And such in truth was Is GRim's sate, For on he dash'd at such a rate, And grew with bites and blows so thin, His bones stood starting through the sltin; Unable longer now to roam,. And sore'd to cater nearer home. On a sair fleck of Aeep hard by, Th« spoiler turn'd a wishsul eye. Longtime hetoil'd, and cast about To introduce his sorVard snout; For that once compassed, well he knew He soon might squeeze his body through: By sraud he trusted to prevail— For sraud succeeds, where sorce (hall sail; Yet could he neither spring nor creep, The sence was high, The Ditch Was Dee PWithin, her guardian dam beside, A tender Lambkin he espied, That high above the ditch between, Frolick'd securely on the green. His lips he lick'd, enraptur'd quite At such a luscious, tempting sight; And thus with specious crast essay'd The sertile pasture to invade.

** Madam," smooth speaking to the dam, He cried, " your humble stave I am: Be not alarmed to see a stranger, ■ I come to warn you os your danger; A Bear has seen your lovely daughter, He swears he'll swim across the water, And breaking through this sacred sence, Will sorce your little darling hence. Now is it pleases you and her, Let M£ a lover's suit preser j

Thus sav'd by me srom death and ruin,

Why dread the hug os Monsieur Bruin?

For once with me she sorms alliance,

Our Union bids the Bear defiance;

And while I guard her srom the storm,

His fleece shall keep my carcase warm.

Beheld her manners rude and wild!—

I'll teach politeness to the child;

And when united with her betters,

Like Chesterfield, I'll write her letters;

So under Is G Rim's education,

Os me she'll learn civilization.

Pray let me lead the lady hence;

My lawyers (hall make settlements,

In sull and binding sorce upon her;

All this I promise on my honor,

For me and sor mine heirs sor ever,

And nought our Union shall dissever."

The subtle savage spake: his cunning Soon stt the mother's head a running, Who pusFd with pride, began to scorn The sphere to which her child was born :— "Come, come," she cried, *' good girl consider, And take at once so high a bidder: Cheer up, and show no bashsul sice, But cast a sheep's eye at his grace: Reject not this sair Union pray, Such offers come not every day."

Persuaded'gainst her own opinion,
Poor Lamb submits to Wols's dominion;
And comes with sad, averted eyes
A cold, reluctant sacrifio*—

See, o'er the ditch his bride he leads,
Proud that his scheming crast succeeds;
Now wearied with so long a sast,
Anticipates the rich repast,
In sancy seasts on everv joint,
So round, so plump, so embonpoint:
Till to his den os slaughter come,
He welcomes Mrs. Is Grim home:
Then looks around—" A pretty jest,"
He cries, " what's here ?—No dinner drest?
Whence, Madam, this omission, pray?
Thought you I would not dine to day?"

"Wreak not on me thy wrath," replied
With sault'ring tongue, his helpless bride -t
"Consider, home with you I came,
Then how am I, good Sir, to blame?
Nor law, nor justice, can decree,
You sor your wants should punish me.
Indetd it is no sault os mine,
That you had nought to day to dine."

"Silence I" the savage growl'd; u nor dare
To hope my hungry rage will spare;
What! shallow crop the slow'ry plain,
While sor support / toil in vain?
Shall that smooth fleece and pamper'd side,.
Insult my lean and shabby hide?
Such then the case, as I'm a sinner^
I'll never go without my dinner.
Vast are my debts, and I can ill
Asford to pay my butcher's bill-:
Nay, Madam, why at me those looks T
Heav'n sends us meat, the devil Cooks.
Talk not to me that I'm unjust;
Is you don't bear tbe brunt, who must ?**

He said, and horrible to tell,
Fierce on his suppliant bride he seH i;
Her quiv*ring limbs the savage tore,
And bath'd and revelPd in her gore.

The Sheep, who srom the neighb'ring mead,
Beheld the filial victim bleed;
As now her sorrow came too late,
Thus wail'd her wretched daughter's sate:
"Why was I wheedled to consent,
To what in vain I must repent r
Alas ! betrayed and lest sorlorn,
With sruitless tears my child I mourn!
Oh Ye, Whom Crast Impels To Seek,
Such UNION or The Strong And Weak,
Be Warn'd By Her Unhappy Fall,
Nor Give What Ye Can Ne'er Recall!"

OLD TELL TRUTH.

LOST,

FOR some time past, by a certain young Nobleman, either in the Castle or in the Parliament House, a very small sense os decency, which would be os no importance to the owner but that it was all he possessed in that way, and the want os it may injure him very materially with his patron. It was hoped to have been only astray until the motion spr the committal os the regency bill demonstrated its being totally gone, and it is now known that the owner let it slip srom between the most consummate vanity and the worst intentions with which it was packed up, but which still remain with him. Should any one attempt to usc it, he may be certain that he shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigour os the Attorney General's new act. Is offered sor sale or pawn, it is requested notice may be lent to the' Secretary's office.

TO THE

EDITORS OF THE ANTI-UNION.

GENTLEMEN,

JL HF. duplicity os the minister and the sallacy os ministerial arguments sor an Union become every day more manisest. Time brings sahhood as well r.s truth to light, and perhaps detects political sophistry with more essect than the most acute sagacity. Generally, however, the operation os time in the detection os talsehood is slow, and its essects percepnble only aster long intervals; but either srom the shallow ness os the minister's artifice, or srom the remarkable prominency os truth on this great question, he has been able to sink it but just below the sursace—it has accordingly emerged into sull view when the force which depressed it was removed: and, what has seldom been witnessed in the history os our legislature, the very same session in which a momentous measure was urged as os vital and indispensible necessity, has seen the duplicity os the propounder os that measure* and the arguments by which it was supported, exposed and refuted by subsequent events.

To he explicit—I boldly and in terms charge the young man, to whom the administration os this country is committed, with having salsified his own prosessions, with having resuted his own arguments sor a legislative union, and wiih having involuntarily proved to the peo ple os Ireland, that the measure which he attempted to steal upon the country, and which he is now preparing to propose again to its legislature, has been adopted by that deputy minister, and his master, with other vhws than those they have avowed, namely, the strengthening os the connexion between the two countries, the restoration os tranquillity, the advancement os civilization, and the improvement os the constitution of this country. I shall prove this charge in a very simple and I conceive a very satissactory way, by comparing the doctrines which he inculcated in recommending a legislative Union with the measures which he has curied, and the conduct which-he has held since the rejection os that picject.

It cannot yet be sorgotten even by the young man himsels, and certamlv- not by the public, that the principal arguftii nt by which he endeavouied to support an Union, V/js Ih. uncertainty os the ben I which at present unit•» the two countries. In illustration os the danger w::ich was fuppos-d to. exist srom this cause one instance only could be sound, and ir was tri

umphantly dwelt on as'a proos that a situation might again occur, as it had already occurred, in which the exercise os complete legislative independence bv the Irish parliament might tend to a separation os the two countries—That instance was the regency question. Is the Irish parliament, it was said, continues to be a separate and independent legislature, it will always possess a right to differ srom the British legislature in the appointment os a regent; and is it should differ srom it in that instance there would be a temporary separation, leading perhaps to a perpetual separation os the executives os the two countries. To obviate this danger the young Lord proposed a surrender os the distinct independence os the hish legislature, not in that case only—the only practical case which had ever occurred—but a total surrender os ;ts dictrnct existence. Now is the young Lord did seriously believe that a danger os separation was connected with, the exercise os dictinct independence by the Irish parliament in this instance, he would be zealous to support a measure which went directly to remove that danger sor ever by surrendering the right to that exercise; and is his sear s os that danger were Co gigantic as to incline him to obviate it bv a total abolition os a dictinct Irish legislature, he must be so much the more zealous to support a measure which went to effect the sasety os the connexion by a less dangerous sacrifice. H:isthe yi.ungLord acted on this principle? The dismissed Prime Serjeant, willing to prove himsels as saithsul a sriend as the young Lord to the unity os the empire, though a much more steady sriend to the independence os hts country, brings in a bill bv which the question of right to appoint a regent different, or under n .lifferent limitation, srom that appointed bv the British parliament, would be put at rest sor ever, p.n 1 the sasety os the connexion in this panicuhr rendered consistent with the distinct existence os Irish parliament. Does the young Lord relish this measure os'homst !ova!ty to connexion and constitution? In the first instance, he assents In sullen silence to its introduction, and not having ingenuity enough to suggestnny thing in derogation os the measure when first proposed, he avails himsels os the time given by the sorms ot parliament in.order to create objection: to the measure it st 1to cavil with the motives which suggested it, or the effects which it would piodnee. Ana what are the objections which he has sabricated or gleaned siom his sollowers? They amount virti ally to this—th.it it h a violent encroachment on t!.C legislative independence os the country— thar it is os infinite d lijacy, intricacy, and im^ni tance— that it requires trerciore much tim-- r.d attention to mold proper!j—aand above all, that slw '.sricuity os its arrangement proves inec-ntroverubly the hazardouS state in which thetonnexicn stands. Now>, let the good people cs Ireland consider what confidence they can plactin the integrity os that .man, who has the boldness to press them, at one time to give up their liberty and independence sor the attainment os a particular, purpose, and when that purpose is proposed to be attained at a less price, objects to the measure that it violates their independence ! I ask the people, does not this conduct belie the motives os that man who urged a surrender os the constitution in order to prevent separation, and who, when separation is to be prevented in another way, objects the constitution? What will they think os the honesty, or the sincerity, os him who would allow the legislature Init twenty sour hours to deliberate and decide upoirameasure vesting the executive with absolute and irresponsible power, * but whose scrupulous delicacy and slow intellect requires an extraordinary time to deliberate on the question, whether the legislature, to perpetuate the connexion, should restrain the exercise os their sree choice in a case'os the most rare occurrence? Nay, what will they think os the understanding os the man who, when the legislature, soreseeing a remote danger srom the possibility os a case in which a sree exercise os their independence might tend to separation, propose to restrain theexercise os their right in that instance sor the suture, declares, that on this occasion he is more than ever convinced the independence os that legislature endangers the connexion, and that theresore they ought, as soon as possible, to surrender it altogether? For my part, 1 prosess I can see in the conduct os such a man nothing hat a thorough contempt sor consistency, a palpable contradiction os sormer pVosessions, an inveteiate hostility to the independence os the country sor reasons which he dares not avow, and a stolidity which incapacitates him srom giving even colour and plausibility to his own actions.

Rut is this the only instance in which the young Lord has, in the course os three weeks, salsified his own prosessions, and resuted his own arguments? The young Lord, with the rashness rather than with the candour os a young man, told the people os Ireland that they had not the British constitution, but that an Union •would give it to them. Now, either those measures which his lordship has promoted since the rejection os an Union were made necessary by the circumstances os the country, or they have been adopted by his lordship to punish this besotted country sor their rejection os this proffered boon. Is the circumstances os the country made those measures necessary, they would have been adopted as well had art Union taken place as in case os its rejection; sor the mere enaction os an Union cotild not immediately, is it could ever, produce any effect in rendering those measures less necessary. But what have these measures been? The most distiuSuish

* Vide the debate on the BUI sor suppressing the Rebellion, which invests the Irish Executive w ith power to establish law-martial, paramount to the civil isower, overall the king's subiects.

ed is the rebellion bill, by which the executive power is authorized by law to suspend the operations os the civil courts, and exercise the indefinite and tremendous powers os martial-law at their mere discretion, and without controul. This then is the constitution os England, with which, aster an Union we were to be blessed, This is one os the tranquilising, civilising, humanizing schemes, which aivUnio?) was to introduce; and it was thus that the people os Ireland were to be admitted ^within the pale os the constitution! But I will b? told that it is unsair to attribute to his lordship art intention . os carrying this measure had an Union been adopted, because it is now carried aster the rejection osan Union. I reply, there is nothing unsair in charging him with that intention, is it cannot be stiewn (a'ndl desy anv man to shew it) that circumstances have been rendered so different by the rejection os that measure that this bill is more necessary now than it would have been had the minister succeeded in his attempt at subjugating the country. There is certainly no shade os difference created by that rejection, and theresore there cannot be a doubt entertained by any rational man that his lardship would have proposed this bill had the country suffered itsels to be duped into a surrender os its independence in the salse hope os being admitted to a suller participation os the benesits os the British Constitution, as well as in the present circumstances os the country. But what indignation would not the People os Ireland have justly entertained against the man, who should have substituted this dreadsul law sor a suller enjoyment os constitutional liberty? Would they not have truly thought that his promise had been broken, and his prosessions salsified? And is this Bill was in his Lordships contemplation when he was holding out to Ireland the deceitsul hope os a sull enjoyment os the privileges os the British Constitution; I ask is henot now sairly chargeable with having spuken salsely, and acted deceitsully, towards this country? Rhould I adopt the other ahernative, arid suppose that this measure was not necessary-, either besore or since the discussion os an Union, but that he has resorted to it as a measure os revenge, to punish our obstinacy, or os experiment, to goad us to an Union, his Lordship's character, or that os the administration he leads, will not be much served by the supposition. In the one case, he will be guilty os deceit and salshood; in the other, os sraud and malice. It is, however, with this latter I hat I am inclined to charge him, sor that there was any thing in the circumstances os the country, or in the governmem, which made the adoption os this bill necessary, I cannot conceive. His Lordship has acknowledged it gives no new powers to administration, and theresore it could not be necessary to enable them to repress what he calls the rebellion. He has said, that the Government have already the undoubted right os trying and punishing rebellion in a summary, way by law-martial, and that theresore, the only object os the bill is to prevent the